4-P 

- 


# 


TI 


From  the  Rev.  W.  B.  SPRAGUE,  D.D.  Sept.  1839 


JSj^^gue  Collection.  Vol. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/essayonslaveryco00clar_2 


A N 


E S S A Y 

ON  THE  " ^ 

SLAVERY  AND  COMMERCE 

OF  THE 

HUMAN  SPECIES, 

PARTICULARLY 

THE  A F R r C A.  N, 

TRANSLAT  ED  FROM  A 

LATIN*  DISSERTATION, 

WHICH  WAS  HONOURED  WITH 

THE  FIRST  PRIZE 

I N T H E 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CAMBRIDGE, 

y 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1785,  -rl  /Cl 

ov  \ C-l  rr 

WITH  ADDITIONS. 

Neque  premendo  alium  me  extulijje  ve/wi.~ Livy. 


LONDON,  printed: 
PHILADELP  HIA: 

RE-PRINTED  BY  ^OSEPH  CRUKSHANK,  IN  MARKET- STREET,  BETWEEN 
SECOND  AND  THIRD-STREETS. 

M DCC  Lxxxvr. 


TO  THE 


" RIGHT  HONOURABLE 


WILLIAM  CHARLES  GOLYEAR, 
E A R'L  OF  P O R T M O R E, 
VISCOUNT  MILSINTOWN. 


xMY  LORD, 

THE  dignity  of  the  fubjedl  of  this  little  Trea- 
tife,  not  any  perfuafion  of  its  merits  as  a literary 
compofition,  encourages  me  to  offer  it  to  your 
Lordfliip’s  patronage.  The  caufe  of  freedom  has 
always  been  found  fufficient,  in  every  age  and 
country,  to  attradl  the  notice  of  the  generous 
and  humane;  and  it  is  therefore,  in  a more  pe- 
culiar manner,  worthy  of  the  attention  and  fa- 
vour of  a perfonage,’  who  holds  a diftinguillied 
rank  in  that  illuftrious  ifland,  the  very  air  of 
which  has  been  determined,  upon  a late  invef- 
tigation  of  its  laws,  to  be  an  antidote  againft 
flavery.  I feel  a fatisfadllon  in  the  opportunity, 
which  the  publication  of  this  treatife  offords 
me,  of  acknowledging  your  Lordfhip’s  civilities, 
which  can  only  be  equalled  by  the  refpedl,  with 
which  I am. 

Your  Lordfhip’s 
much  obliged, 

and  obedient  fervant, 

THOMAS  CLARKSON. 


r vr 


• ♦-' 


T H E 


PREFACE. 


S the  fubje^l  of  the  following  v/ork  has  fortunately 


become  of  late  a topick  of  eonverfation,  I cannot 


begin  the  preface  in  a manner  more  fatisfacfory  to  the 
feelings  of  the  benevolent  reader,  than  by  giving  an  ac- 
count of  thofe  humane  and  worthy  perfons,  wdio  have 
endeavoured  to  draw  upon  it  that  fhare  of  the  publick 
attention  which  it  has  obtained. 

Among  the  well  difpofed  individuals,  of  different  na- 
tions and  ages,  who  have  humanely  exerted  themfelves  to 
fupprefs  the  abje6l  perfonal  flavery,  introduced  in  the  ori- 
ginal cultivation  of  the  European  colonies  in  the  weftern 
world,  Bartholomew  de  las  Cafas^  the  pious  bifhop  of 
Chiapa^  in  the  fifteenth  century,  feems  to  have  been  the 
firft.  This  amiable  man,  during  his  refidence  in  SpatiiJlj 
America^  was  fo  fenfibly  affeded  at  the  treatment  which 
the  mifcrable  Indians  underwent,  that  he  returned  to 
Spain]  to  make  a*publick  remonftrance  before  the  cele- 
brated emperor  Charles  the  fifth,  declaring,  that  heaven 
would  one  day  call  him  to  an  account  for  thofe  cruelties, 
which  he  then  had  it  in  his  power  to  prevent.  The 
fpeech  which  he  made  on  the  occafion,  is  now  extant, 
and  is  a moft  perfe«^  pidure  of  benevolence  and  piety. 

But  his  intreaties,  by  the  oppofition  of  avarice,  were 
rendered  ineffedual:  and  I do  not  find  by  any  books 
which  I have  read  upon  the  fubjed,  that  any  other  per- 
fon  interfered  till  the  lafl  century,  when  Morgan  Godwyn, 
a Briiijh  dcrgym^iU,  diftinguilhed  himfelf  in  the  caufe. 

The  prefent  age  has  alfo  produced  fome  zealons  and 
able  oppofers  of  the  colonial  flavery.  For  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  prefent  century,  John  Woolman  and  Anthony 
Benezet^  two  refpedable  members  of  the  religious  fo- 
.ciety  called  Quakers,  devoted  much  of  their  time  to  the 
fubjed.  The  former  travelled  through  moft  parts  of 


North 


VI 


PREFACE. 

North  America  on  foot,  to  hold  converfations  with  the 
members  of  his  own  feci,  on  the  impiety  of  retaining 
thofe  in  a Rate  of  involuntary  fervitude,  who  had  never 
given  them  offence.  The  latter  kept  a free  fchool  at 
Fhiladelphia^  for  the  education  of  black  people.  He 
took  every  opportunity  of  pleading  in  their  behalf.  He 
publilhed  feveral  treatifes  againft  fiavery,  * and  gave  an 
hearty  proof  of  his  attachment  to  the  caufe,  by  leaving 
the  whole  of  his  fortune  in  fupport  of  that  fchool,  to 
which  he  had  fo  generoufly  devoted  his  time  and  atten- 
tion w^hen  alive. 

Till  this  time  it  does  not  appear,  that  any  bodies  of 
men  had  colleclively  interefted  themfelves  in  endeavour- 
ing to  remedy  the  evil.  But  in  the  year  1754,  the  reli- 
gious fociety,  called  Quakers,  publickly  teflified  their 
fentiments  upon  the  fubjecl,  ||  declaring,  that  to  live 
in  eafe  and  plenty  by  the  toil  of  thofe,  whom  fraud 
“ and  violence  had  put  into  their  power,  w'as  neither 
confiftent  with  Chriftianity  nor  common  juftice.’^ 
Impreffed  with  thefe  fentiments,  many  of  this  fociety 
immediately  liberated  their  fiaves;  and  though  fuch  a 
meafure  appeared  to  be  attended  w^ith  confiderable  lofs 
to  the  benevolent  individuals,  who  unconditionally  pre- 
fented  them  with  their  freedom,  yet  they  adopted  it  with 
pleafure:  nobly  confidering,  that  to  poffefs  a little,  in 
an  honourable  way,  w^as  better  than  to  poffefs  much, 
through  the  medium  of  injuftice.  ^heir  example  was 
gradually  followed  by  the  reft.  A general  emancipation 
of  the  fiaves  in  the  poffeflion  of  Quakers,  at  length 
took  place;  and  fo  eSedually  did  they  ferve  the  caufe 
w^hich  they  had  undertaken,  that  they  denied  the  claim 
of  memberfhip  in  their  religious  community,  to  all  fuch 

as 


* A Defeription  of  Guinea,  with  an  Inquiry  into  the  Rife  and  Pro- 

grefs  of  the  Slave  'i'rade,  &c. A Caution  to  Great  Britain  and 

her  Colonies,  in  a ihort  Reprefentation  of  the  calamitous  State  of 
the  enflaved  Negroes  in  the  Britilli  Dominons.  Befides  feveral 
fmaller  pieces. 

II  They  had  cenfured  the  African  Trade  in  the  year  1727,  but  had 
taken  no  publick  notice  of  the  colonial  ilavery  till  this  time. 


PREFACE.  vil 

as  {hould  hereafter  oppofe  the  fuggeftions  of  juftice  in 
this  particular,  either  by  retaining  flaves  in  their  pofl'ef- 
fion,  or  by  being  in  any  manner  concerned  in  the  Have 
trade. 

But  though  this  meafure  appeared,  as  has  been  ob- 
ferved  before,  to  be  attended  with  confiderable  lofs  to 
the  benevolent  individuals  who  adopted  it,  yet,  as  virtue 
feldom  fails  of  obtaining  its  reward,  it  became  ultimate- 
ly beneficial.  Many  of  the  flaves,  who  were  thus  un- 
conditionally freed,  returned  without  any  folicitation  to 
their  former  mafters,  to  ferve  them,  at  ftated  wages^  as 
free  men.  The  work,  which  they  now  did,  was  found 
to  be  better  done  than  before.  It  was  found  alfo,  that 
a greater  quantity  was  done  in  the  fame  time.  Hence 
iefs  than  the  former  number  of  labourers  »was  fufficient. 
From  thefe,  and  a variety  of  other  circumflances,  it  ap- 
peared, that  their  plantations  were  ccnfiderably  more 
profitable,  when  worked  by  free  men,  than  when  w^ork- 
ed,  as  before,  by  flaves;  and  that  they  derived  there- 
fore, contrary  to  their  expedations,  a confiderable  ad- 
vantage from  their  benevolence. 

Animated  by  the  example  of  the  Quakers, ' the  mem- 
bers of  other  feds  began  to  deliberate  about  adopting 
the  fame  meafure.  Some  of  thofe  of  the  church  of 
England,  of  the  Roman  Catholicks,  and  of  the  Pref- 
byterians  and  Independants,  freed  their  flaves  in  Penn- 
fylvania.  It  was  agitated  in  the  fynod  of  the  Prefoyte- 
ans,  to  oblige  their  members  to  liberate  their  flaves. 
The  queflion  was  negatived  by  a majority  of  but  one 
perfon,  as  I am  informed;  and  this  oppofition  feemed  to 
arife  rather  from  a diflike  to  the  attempt  of  forcing'fuch 
a meafure  upon  the  members  of  that  community,  than 
from  any  other  confideration.  I have  the  pleafure  of 
being  credibly  informed,  that  the  manumiflion  of  flaves, 
or  the  employment  of  free  men  in  the  plantations,  is 
now  daily  gaining  gfound  in  North  America.  Should 
flavery  be  aboliflied  there,  (and  it  is  an  event,  which, 
from  thefe  circumflances,  we  may  reafonably  exped  to 
be  produced  in  time)  let  it  be  remembered,  that  the 
Quakers  will  have  had  the  merit  of  its  abolition. 

. Nor 


viii  P 11  E F A C E. 

Nor  have  their  brethren  here  been  lefs  afliduous  in 
the  caufe.  As  there  are  happily  no  Haves  in  this  country, 
fo  they  have  not  the  had  fame  opportunity  of  (hewing 
their  benevolence  by  a general  emancipation.  They 
have  not  however  omitted  to  (hew  it  as  far  as  they  have 
been  able.  At  their  religious  meetings  they  have  regu- 
larly inquired  if  any  of  their  members  are  concerned 
in  the  iniquitous  African  trade.  They  have  appointed 
a committee  for  obtaining  every  kind  of  information  on 
the  fubjecf,  with  a view  to  its  fuppreffion,  and,  about 
three  or  four  years  ago,  petitioned  parliament  on  the 
occafion  for  their  interference  and  fupport.  I am  forry 
to  add,  that  their  benevolent  application  was  ineffedual, 
and  that  the  reformation  of  an  evil,  produdive  of  con- 
fequences  equally  impolitick  and  immoral,  and  generally 
acknowledged  to  have  long  difgraced  our  national  cha- 
racter, is  yet  left  to  the  unfupported  efforts  of  piety, 
morality  and  juflice,  againlt  intereft,  violence  and  op- 
prellion;  and  thefe,  I blulh  to  acknowledge,  too  flrong- 
ly  countenanced  by  the  legiflative  authority  of  a coun- 
try, the  bafis  of  whofe  government  is  liberty. 

Nothing  can  be  more  clearly  fliewn,  than  that  an  in- 
exhauftible  mine  of  wealth  is  negleCted  in  Africa^  for 
the  profecution  of  this  impious  traffick;  that,  if  proper 
meafures  were  taken,  the  revenue  of  this  country  might 
be  greatly  improved,  its  naval  flrength  increafed,  its 
colonies  in  a more  flourifhing  ficuation,  the  planters 
richer,  and  a trade,  which  is  now  a fcene  of  blood  and 
defolation,  converted  into  one,  which  might  be  profe- 
cuted  with  advantage  and  honour. 

Such  have  been  the  exertions  of  the  Quakers  in  the 
caufe  of  humanity  and  virtue.  They  are  ftill  profecut- 
ing,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  their  benevolent  defign ; 
and  I fliould  flop  here  and  praife  them  for  thus  continu- 
ing their  humane  endeavours,  but  that  I conceive  it  to 
be  unneceffary.  They  are  aCling  confidently  with  the 
principles  of  religion.  They  will  find  a reward  in  their 
own  confciences;  and  they  will  receive  more  real  plea- 
fure  from  a Tingle  reflection  on  their  conduCl,  than  they 
can  poflibly  experience  from  the  praifes  of  'an  hod  of 
WTiters. 


IX 


PREFACE. 

In  giving  this  fhort  account  of  thofe  humane  and 
worthy  perfons,  who  have  endeavoured  to  reflore  to 
their  fellow  creatures  the  rights  of  nature,  of  which 
they  had  been  unjuflly  deprived,  I fhould  feel  myfelf 
unjuft,  were  I to  omit  two  zealous  oppofers  of  the  colo- 
nial tyranny,  confpicuous  at  the  prefent  day. 

The  firft  is  Mr.  Granville  Sharp.  This  Gentleman 
has  particularly  diftinguiftied  hirnfelf  in  the  caufe  of 
freedom.  It  is  a notorious  fact,  that,  but  a few  years 
fince,  many  of  the  unfortunate  black  people,  who  had 
been  brought  from  the  colonies  into  this  country,  were 
fold  in  the  metropolis  to  merchants  and  others,  when 
their  mafters  had  no  farther  occafion  for  their  fervices; 
though  it  was  always  underftood  that  every  perfon  was 
free,  as  foon  as  he  landed  on  the  Britifli  Ihore.  In  con- 
fequence  of  this  notion,  thefe  unfortunate  black  people, 
refuted  to  go  to  the  new  mafters,  to  whom  they  were 
configned.  They  were  however  feized,  and  forcibly 
conveyed,  under  cover  of  the  night,  to  fliips  then  lying 
in  the  Thames^  to  be  retranfported  to  the  colonies,  and 
to  be  delivered  again  to  the  planters  as  merchantable 
goods.  The  humane  Mr.  Sharpe,  was  the  means  of 
putting  a ftop  to  this  iniquitous  traffick.  Whenever  he 
gained  information  of  people  in  fuch  a fituation,  he 
caufed  them  to  be  brought  on  fhore.  At  a confiderable 
expence  he  undertook  their  caufe,  and  was  inftrument- 
al  in  obtaining  the  famous  decree  in  The  cafe  of  Somer- 
fett,  that  as  foon  as  any  perfon  whatever  fet  his  foot  in 
this  country,  he  came  under  the  prote6lion  of  the  Bri- 
tijh  laws,  and  was  confequently  free.  Nor  did  he  inter- 
fere lefs  honourably  in  that  cruel  and  difgraceful  cafe, 
in  the  fummer  of  the  year  1781,  when  an  hundred  and 
thirty  two  negroes,  in  their  paftage  to  the  colonies,  were 
thrown  into  the  fea  alive,  to  defraud  the  underwriters; 
but  his  pious  endeavours  were  by  no  means  attended 
with  the  fame  fuccefs.  To  enumerate  his  many  laud- 
able endeavours  in  the  extirpation  of  tyranny  and  op- 
prefiion,  would  be  to  fwell  the  preface  into  a volume: 
fuffice  it  to  fay,  that  he  has  written  feveral  books  on  the 
B fubje^V, 


x:  PREFACE. 

fubje(5l:,  and  one  particularly,  which  he  diflinguifhes  by 
the  title  of  vl  Limitation  of  flavery,’^ 

The  lecond  is  the  Rev.  James  Ramfay.  This  gentle- 
man refided  for  many  years  in  the  WeJLIndies.,  in  the 
cierical  office.  He  perufed  all  the  colonial  codes  of  law, 
with  a view  to  find  if  there  were  any  favourable  claufes, 
by  which  the  grievances  of  flaves  could  be  redrefled; 
but  he  was  feverely  difappointed  in  his  purfuits.  He 
pubiifined  a treatife,  fince  his  return  to  England,  called 
Jxii  Efay  on  the  T.reatment  and  Converfion  of  African  Slaves 
in  the  BritipD  Sugar  Colonies^  which  I recommend  to  the 
perufal  of  the  humane  reader.  This  work  refledls  great 
praife  upon  the  author,  fince,  in  order  to  be  of  fervice 
to  this  fingularly  opprefifed  part  of  the  human  fpecies, 
he  compiled  it  at  the  expence  of  forfeiting  that  friend- 
Ihip,  which  he  had  contradled  with  many  in  thofe  parts, 
during  a feries  of  years,  and  at  the  hazard,  as  I am  cre- 
dibly informed,"  of  fuffering  much  'in  his  private  pro- 
perty, as  well  as  of  fubjedting  himfelf  to  the  ill  will  and 
perfecution  of  numerous  individuals. 

This  Eflay  on  the  Treatment  and  Converfion  of  African 
Slaves^  contains  fo  many  important  truths  on  the  colo- 
nial flavery,  and  has  come  fo  home  to  the  planters,  (be- 
ing written  by  a perfon  who  has  a thorough  knowledge 
of  the  fubjecl)  as  to  have  occafioned  a confiderable 
alarm.  Within  the  lad  eight  months,  two  publications 
have  exprefsly  appeared  againfi:  it.  One  of  them  is  in- 
titled  Cur  for y Rvcmarks  on  Mr.  Ramfay’s  Ellay;’’  the 

other  an  Apology  for  Ncgroe  Slavery.^*  On  each  of  thefe 
I am  bound,  as  writing  on  the  fubject,  to  make  a few 
remarks. 

The  curfory  remarker  infinuates,  that  Mr.  Ramfay’s 
account  of  the  treatment  is  greatly  exaggerated,  if  not 
wholly  falfe.  To  this  I fliali  make  the  following  reply. 
I have  the  honour  of  knowing  feveral  difinterefted  gen- 
tlemen, who  have  been  acquainted  w^ith  the  Wefi:  Indi- 
an iflands  for  years.  I call  them  difinterefted,  becaufe 
they  have  neither  had  a concern  in  the  African  trade, 
nor  in  the  colonial  flavery;  and  I have  heard  tnele  unani- 

moufly 


XI 


PREFACE. 

nioufly  aflert,  that  Mr.  Ramfayh  account  is  fo  far  from 
being  exaggerated,  or  taken  from  the  mod  dJifary  pic- 
tures that  he  could  find,  that  it  is  abfolutely  below  the 
truth;  that  he  mult  have  omitted  many  imlances  of  cru- 
elty, which  he  had  feen  himfelf;  and  that  they  only 
wondered,  how  he  could  have  written  with  fo  much  mo- 
deration upon  the  fubjett.  They  allow  the  Curfory  Re- 
marks to  be  excellent  as  a compufition,  but  declare  that 
ic  is  perfectly  devoid  of  truth. 

But  the  curfory  remarker  does  not  depend  fo  much 
on  the  circumltances  which  he  has  advanced,  (nor  can 
he,  fince  they  have  no  other  exiltence  than  in  his  own 
brain)  as  on  the  inftrument  detradion,^  This  he  has  ufed 
with  the  utmofi:  virulence  through  the  whole  of  his  pub- 
lication, artfully  fuppofing,  that  if  he  could  bring  Mr. 
Ramjay’s  reputation  into  difpute,  his  work  would  fall  of 
courfe,  as  of  no  authenticity.  1 fubmit  this  fimple  que- 
ftion  to  the  reader.  When  a writer,  in  attempting  to 
filence  a publication,  attacks  the  charader  of  its  author, 
rather  than  the  principles  of  the  work  itfelf,  is  it  not  a 
proof  that  the  work  itfelf  is  unqueflionable,  and  that 
this  writer  is  at  a lofs  to  find  an  argument  againft  it? 

But  there  is  fomething  fo  very  ungenerous  in  this 
mode  of  replication,  as  to  require  farther  notice.  For 
if  this  is  the  mode  to  be  adopted  in  literary  difputes, 
what  writer  can  be  fafe?  Or  who  is  there,  that  will  not 
be  deterred  from  taking  up  his  pen  in  the  caufe  of  vir- 
tue? There  are  circumftances  in  every  perfon’s  life, 
w'hich,*  if  given  to  the  publick  in  a malevolent  manner, 
and  without  explanation,  might  eflentially  injure  him  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world;  though,  w.ere  they  explained, 
they  would  be  even  reputable.  The  curfory  remarker 
has  adopted  this  method  of  difpute;  but  Mr.  Ramfay 
has  explained  himfelf  to  the  fatisfadion  of  all  parties, 
and  has  refuted  him  in  every  point.  The  name  of  this 
curfory  remarker  is  Tobin : a name,  which  1 feel  myielf 
obliged  to  hand  dowm  with  deteftation,  as  far  as  I am 
able ; and  wdth  an  hint  to  future  waiters,  that  they  will 
do  themfelves  more  credit,  and  ferve  more  effedually 
the  caufe  which  they  undertake,  if  on  fuch  occafions 


xli  PREFACE. 

they  attack  the  work,  rather  than  the  character  of  the 
writer,  who  affords  them  a fubjed  for  their  lucubrati- 
ons. 

Nor  is  this  the  only  circumflance,  which  induces  me 
to  take  fuch  particular  notice  of  the  Curfory  Remarks. 
I feel  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  refcue  an  injured  perfon 
from  the  cruel  afperfions  that  have  been  thrown  upon 
him,  as  I have  been  repeatedly  informed  by  thofe,  who 
have  the  pleafure  of  his  acquaintance,  that  his  cFarader 
is  irreproachable.  I am  aifo  interefted  myfelf.  For  if 
fuch  detradion  is  paffed  over  in  filence,  my  own  repu- 
tation, and  not  my  work,  may  be  attacked  by  an  ano- 
nymous hireling  \f\  the  caufe  of:  flavery. 

The  'Apology  for  Negroe  Slavery  is  almofl  too  defpica- 
ble  a compofition  to  merit  a reply.  I have  only  there- 
fore to  obferve,  (as  is  frequently  the  cafe  in  a bad  caufe, 
or  where  v^riters  do  not  confine  themfelves  to  truth)  that 
the  work  refutes  itfelf.  This  writer,  fpeaking  of  the 
have-trade,  afferts,  that  people  are  never  kidnapped  on 
the  coafl  of  Africa,  In  fpeaking  of  the  treatment  of 
haves,  he  afferts  again,  that  it  is  of  the  very  mildefl 
nature,  and  that  they  live  in  the  mofl  comfortable  and 
happy  manner  imaginable.  To  prove  each  of  his  alfer- 
tions,  he  propofes  the  following  regulations.  . That  the 
ftealing  of  haves  from  Africa  Ihould  be  felony.  That 
the  premeditated  'murder  of  a have  by  any  perfon  on 
board,  htould  come  under  the  fame  denomination.  That 
when  haves  arrive  in  the  colonies,  lands  fhould  be  al- 
lotted for  their  provifions,  in  proportion  to  their  number^ 
or  commiifioners  Ihould  fee  that  a fiifficient  quantity  of 
found  %vholefome  provifions  is  purchafed.  That  they 
hiould  not  work  on  Su?idays  and  other  holy-days.  That 
extra  labour,  or  7iight-work,  out  of  crop,  fhould  be  pro- 
hibited. That  a limited  number  of  ftripes  fhould  be  in- 
hided'  upon  them.  That  they  hiould  have  annually  a 
fuit  of  clothes.  That  old  infirm  haves  fhould  be  properly 
cared  for^  &C.- — -Now  it  can  hardly  be  conceived,  that 
if  this  author  had  tried  to  injure  his  caufe,  or  contra- 
did  himfelf,  he  could  not  have  done  it  in  a more  effec- 
tual manner,  than  by  this  propofal  of  thefe  falutary 

regulations. 


Xlll 


PREFACE. 

regulations.  For  to  fay  that  Haves  are  honourably  ob- 
tained on  the  coaft;  to  fay  that  their  treatment  is  of  the 
mildeft  nature,  and  yet  to  propofe  the  above-mentioned 
regulations  as  neceifary,  is  to  refute  himfelf  more  clear- 
ly, than  I confefs  myfelf  to  be  able  to  do  it:  and  I have 
only  to  requeft,  that  the  regulations  propofed  by  this 
writer,  in  the  defence  of  flavery,  may  be  confidered  as 
fo  many  proofs  of  the  aifertions  contained  in  my  own 
w^ork. 

I fhall  clofe  my  account  with  an  obfervation,  which 
is  of  great  importance  in  the  prefent  cafe.  Of  all  the 
publications  in  favour  of  the  Have-trade,  or  the  fubfe- 
quent  Havery  in  the  colonies,  there  is  not  one,  which 
has  not  been  written,  either  by  a chaplain  to  the  African 
fadories,  or  by  a merchant,  or  by  a planter,  or  by  a 
perfon  whofe  intereft  has  been  conneded  in  the  caufe 
which  he  has  taken  upon  him  to  defend.  Of  this  de- 
fcription  are  Mr.  Tobin^  and  the  Apologiji  for  Negroe  Sla- 
•very.  While  on  the  other  hand  thofc,  who  have  had  as 
competent  a knowledge  of  the  fubjed,  but  not  the  fame 
viterefi  as  themfelves,  have  unanimouHy  condemned  it; 
and  many  of  them  have  written  their  fentiments  upon 
it,  at  the  hazard  of  creating  an  innumerable  hoH:  of 
enemies,  and  of  being  fubjeded  to  the  moH:  malignant 
oppofition.  Now,  which  of  thefe  arc  we  to  believe  on 
the  occafidn  ? Are  we  to  believe  thofe,  who  are  parties 
concerned,  who  are  interefted  in  the  pradice? — But  the 
queftion  does  not  admit  of  a difpute. 

Concerning  my  owm  work,  it  feems  proper  to  obferve, 
that  when  the  original  Latin  Diflertation,  as  the  title 
page  exprefies,  was  honoured  by  the  Univerfity  of  Cam- 
bridge with  the  firfl:  of  their  annual  prizes  for  the  year 
1785,  I was  waited  upon  by  fome  gentlemen  of  refped- 
ability  and  confequence,  who  requefted  me  to  publifh  it 
in  EngliHi.  The  only  objedion  v;hich  occurred  to  me 
was  this;  that  having  been  prevented,  by  an  attention 
to  other  ftudies,  from  obtaining  that  critical  knowledge 
of  my  own  language,  which  was  neceflary  for  an  Eng- 
iifh  compofition,  I w^as  fearful  of  appearing  before  the 
publick  eye-:  but  that,  as  they  flattered  me  with  the 

hope. 


XIV 


P R‘  £ F A C E. 

hope,  that  the  publication  of  it  might  be  of  ufe,  I would 
certainly  engage  to  publifli  it,  if  they  would  allow  me  to 
poftpone  it  for  a little  time,  till  I was  more  in  the  habit 
of  v/riting.  They  replied,  that  as  the  publick  attention 
was  now  excited  to  the  cafe  of  the  unfortunate  Africans^ 
it  would  be  ferving  the  caufe  w'ith  double  the  effed,  if 
it  were  to  be  publifhed  within  a few  months.  This  ar- 
gument prevailed.  Nothing  but  this  circumftance  could 
have  induced  me  to  offer  an  Engiifh  compofition  to  the 
infpedlion  of  an  hoft  of  criticks:  and  I truft  therefore 
that  this  circumftance  will  plead  much  with  the  benevo- 
lent reader,  in  favour  of  thofe  faults,  which  he  may 
find  in  the  prefent  w^ork. 

Having  thus  promifed  to  pubiifti  it,  I was  for  fome 
time  doubtful  from  which  of  the  copies  to  tranflate. 
There  were  two,  the  original,  and  an  abridgement. 
The  latter  (as  thefe  academical  compofitions  are  gene- 
rally of  a certain  length)  was  that  which  was  fent  down 
to  Cambridge,  and  honoured  with  the  prize.  I was 
determined  however,  upon  coufulting  with  my  friends, 
to  tranflate  from  the  former.  This  has  been  faithfully 
done  with  but  few  * additions.  The  reader  will  pro- 
bably perceive  the  Latin  idiom  in  feveral  paffages  of  the 
work,  though  I have  endeavoured,  as  far  as  I have  been 
able,  to  avoid  it.  And  I am  fo  fenfible  of  the  difadvantages 
under  which  it  muft  yet  lie,  as  a tranllation,  that  1 wifli 
I had  written  upon  the  fubjed,  without  any  reference  at 
all  to  the  original  copy. 

It  will  perhaps  be  afked^  from  what  authority  I have 
collected  thofe  fads,  which  relate  to  the  colonial  flavery. 
1 reply,  that  I have  had  the  means  of  the  very  beft  of 
information  on  the  fubjed;  having  the  pleafure  of  being 
acquainted  with  many,  both  in  the  naval  and  military 
departments,  as  well  as  with  feveral  others,  who  have 
been  long  acquainted  w'ith  America  and  the  WeJlAndian 

iflands. 

* The  inftance  of  the  Dutch  colonifts  at  the  Cape,  In  the  frft 
part  of  the  Effay;  the  defeription  of  an  African  battle,  in  the  fe- 
cond;  and  the  poetry  of  a negroe  girl  in  the  third,  are  the  only 
confiderable  additions  that  have  been  made. 


/ 


PREFACE.  XV 

iflands.  The  fa£ls  therefore  which  I have  related,  are 
compiled  from  the  difinterefted  accounts  of  thefe  gentle- 
men, all  of  whom,  1 have  the  happinefs  to  fay,  have 
coincided,  in  the  minuted  manner,  in  their  defcriptions. 

It  muft  be  remarked  too,  that  they  w^ere  compiled,  not 
from  what  thefe  gentlemen  heard,  while  they  were  refi- 
dent  in  thofe  parts,  but  from  what  they  actually  faw. 
Nor  has  a fingle  inftance  been  taken  from  any  book 
whatever  upon  the  fubje£t,  except  that  from  CorJidtraiU 
ons  fur  la  Colonk  dc  St.  Dominigue^  in  the  latter  part  of  - 
Chap,  ix,  and  this  book  was  publilhed  in  France^  in  the 
year  1777,  by  authority. 

I have  now  the  pleafure  to  fay,  that  the  accounts  of 
thefe  difinterefted  gentlemen,  whom  I confulted  on  the 
occafion,  are  confirmed  by  all  the  books  which  I have 
ever  perufed  upon  flavery,  except  thofe  which  have  been 
written  by  merchants^  planters^  <&c.  They  are  confirm- 
ed by  Sir  Hans  Sloands  Voyage  to  Barbadoes;  Griffith 
Hugheses  Hiftory  of  the  fame  ifland,  printed  1750;  an 
Account  of  North  America,  by  Fhomas  Jefferies^  1761  ; 
all  Benezefs  works,  &c.  &c.  and  particularly  by  Mr. 
Ramfay's  Effay  on  the  Treatment  and  Converfion  of  the 
African  Slaves  in  the  Britifh  Sugar  Colonies;  a work 
which  is  now  firmly  eftablifhed  ; and,  I may  add,  in  a 
I very  extraordinary  manner,  in  confequence  of  the  con- 
troverfy  which  this  gentleman  has  fuftained  with  the 
Curfory  Remarker^  by  which  feveral  fads  which  were 
mentioned  in  the  original  copy  of  my  own  work,  before 
the  controverfy  began,  and  which  had  never  appeared 
in  any  work  upon  the  fubjed,  have  been  brought  to 
light.  Nor  has  it  received  lefs  fupport  from  a letter, 
publifhed  only  laft  week,  from  Capt.  J.  S.  Smith*,  of 
the  Royal  Navy,  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hill;  on  the  former 
1 of  w’hom  too  high  encomiums  cannot  be  beftowed,  for 
1 (landing  forth  in  that  noble  and  difinterefted  manner, 
i in  behalf  of  an  injured  charader. 

I have  how  only  to  folicit  the  reader  again,  that  he 
will  make  a favourable  allowance  for  the  prefent  work, 
not  only  from  thofe  circumftances  which  I have  menti- 
oned, but  from  the  confideration,  that  only  two  months 

are 


xvi  PREFACE* 

are  allowed  by  the  Univerfity  for  thefe  their  annual 
compofitions.  Should  he  however  be  unpropitious  to 
my  requeft,  I muft  confole  myfelf  with  the  rcfledion, 
(a  reflection  that  will  always  afford  me  pleafure,  even 
amidft  the  cenfures  of  the  great,)  that  by  undertaking 
the  caufe  of  the  unfortunate  Africans^  I have  under- 
taken, as  far  as  my  abilities  would  permit,  the  caufe  of 
injured  innocence.  ^ 

/ 

London,  June  ift,  1786. 


CONTENTS. 


C O N T E N T S, 


PARTI. 

The  Hiflory  of  Slavery, 

CHAP.  I.  Introdudion. — Divifion  of  flavery  into 
voluntary  and  involuntary. — The  latter  the  fubject 
of  the  prefent  work. — Chap.  II.  The  firfl  clafs  of  in- 
voluntary (laves  among  the  ancients,  from  war. — Con- 

jedure  concerning  their  antiquity.-: Chap.  III.  The 

fecond  clafs  from  piracy. — Short  hiflory  of  piracy.-  ~~ 
The  dance  karpoea. — Confiderations  from  hence  oh  the 

former  topick. Three  orders  of  involuntary  (laves 

among  the  ancients. — Chap.  IV.  Their  perfonal  treat- 
ment.— Exception  in  iEgypt. — Exception  at  Athens.: — 
Chap.  V.  The  caufes  of  fuch  treatment  among  the  an- 
cients in  general. — Additional  caufes  among  the  Greeks 
and  Romans. A refutation  of  their  principles. — Re- 

marks on  the  writings  of  iEfop. — Chap.  VI.  The  an- 
dent  (lave-trade. — Its  antiquity. — ^gypt  the  firll:  mar- 
ket recorded  for  this  fpecies  of  traffick. Cyprus  the 

fecond. — The  agreement  of  the  v/ritings  of  Mofes  and 
" Homer  on  the  fubjed. — The  univerfal  prevalence  of  the 
trade. — Chap.  VII.  The  decline  of  this  commerce  and 
Havery  in  Europe. — The  caufes  of  their  decline.- — Chap. 
Vlll.  Their  revival  in  Africa. — Short  hiflory  of  their 

revival. Five  clafies  of  involuntary  (laves  among' the 

moderns. — Cruel  inftance  of  the  Dutch  colonifts  at  the 
Cape. 


PART  II. 

The  African  Commerce  or  Slave-Trade. 

CHAP.  I.  - The  hjflory  of  mankind  from  their  firfl 
fituation  to  a ftate  of  government. — Chap.  II.  An  ac- 
count of  the  firfl  governments.- — Chap.  III.  Liberty  a 
natural  right.— — ^^That  of  government  adventitious.— 
C Govern- 


xviii  C O N E N T S. 

Government,  its  nature. — Its  end. — Chap.  IV.  Man- 
kind cannot  be  confidered  as  property. An  objedion 

anfwered. ^Chap.  V.  Divifion  of  the  commerce  into 

two  parts,  as  it  relates  to  thole  who  fell,  and  thofe  who 
purchafc  the  human  fpecies  into  llavery. — I'he  right  of 
the  I’ellers  examined  with  refped  to  the  two  orders  of 
African  Haves,  “ of  thofe  who  are  publickly  feized  by 
‘‘  virtue  of  the  authority  of  their  prince,  and  of  thofe, 
who  are  kidnapped  by  individuals. — Chap.  VI.  Their 
right  with  refped  to  convids. — From  the  proportion  of 

the  punillimenc  to  the  offence. From  its  objed  and 

end. — Chap.  VII.  Their  right  with  refped  to  prifoners 
of  war. The  jus  captivitatis,  or  right  of  capture  ex- 

plained.— Its  injuilice. — Farther  explication  of  the  right 

of  capture,  in  anfwer  to  fome  fuppofed  objedions. 

Chap.  VIII.  Additional  remarks  on 'the  two  orders  that 
were  firft  mentioned. — The  number  which  they  annually 
contain. — A defcription  of  an  African  battle.-- Additi- 
onal remarks  on  prifoners  of  war. — On  convids. — Chap. 
IX.  The  right  of  the  purchafers  examined.  ■ ■ ■ Conclu- 
fion. 


PART  III. 

The  Slavery  of  tlie  Africans  in  the  European  Colonies. 

CHAP.  I.  Imaginary  fcene  in  Africa. — Imaginary 
converfation  with  an  African. — His  ideas  of  Chrifliani- 

ty.' A Defcription  of  a body  of  Haves  going  to  the 

fhips. — Their  embarkation. — Chap.  II.  Their  treatment 

on  board. The  number  that  annually  perifh  in  the 

voyage. — Horrid  inftance  at  fea. — Their  debarkation  in 
the  coloiiics. — Florrid  inftance  on  the  ftiore. — Chap.  III. 
The  condition  of  their  pofterity  in  the  colonies. — The 
lex  nativitatis  explained. — Its  injuftice. — Chap.  IV.  The 
feafoning  in  the  colonies. — The  number  that  annually 
die  in  the  feafoning  — The  employment  of  the  furvivors. 
— The  colonial  difcipline.—Its  tendency  to  produce  cru- 
elty.— Horrid  inftance  of  this  effed. — Immoderate  la- 
bour, and  its  confequences. — Want  of  food  and  its  con- 
fcquences. — Severitity  and  its  confequences. — The  for- 
lorn 


XIX 


CONTENTS. 

lorn  fituation  of  flaves. — An  appeal  to  the  memory  of 
Alfred. — Chap.  V.  ^ The  contents  of  the  two  preceding 
chapters  denied  by  the  purchafers.— Their  firft  argument 
refuted. — Their  fecond  refuted. — Their  third  refuted. — 
Chap.  VI.  Three  arguments,  which  they  bring  in  vindi- 
cation of  their  treatment,  refuted. Chap.  VII.  The 

argument,  that  the  Africans  are  an  inferiour  link  of  the 
chain  of  nature,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  their  genius,  re- 
futed.— The  caufes  of  this  apparent  inferiority. — Short 
diflertation  on  African  genius. — Poetry  of  an  African 
girl. — Chap.  VIII.  The  argument,  that  they  are  an  infe- 
riour link  of  the  chain  of  nature,  as  far  as  it  relates  to 
colour,  &c.  refuted. — Eamination  of  the  divine  writings 
in  this  particular. — Diflertation  on  the  colour. — Chap. 

IX.  Other  arguments  of  the  purchafers  examined. 

Their  comparifons  unjuft. Their  aflertions,  with  re- 

fpe£l  to  the  happy  fitutation  of  the  Africans  in  the  colo- 
nies, without  foundation.— Their  happinefs  examined 

with  refped  to  inanumifTion. — With  refpedt  to  holy-days. 
—Dances,  &c. — An  eftimate  made  at  St.  Domingo. — 
Chap.  X.  The  right  of  the  purchafers  over  their  flaves 
refuted  upon  their  own  principles. — Chap.  XL  Dreadful 
arguments  againfl  this  commerce  and  flavery  of  the  hu- 
man fpecies. — How  the  Deity  feems  already  to  punifli  us 
for  this  inhuman  violation  of  his  laws. — Conclufion.% 


A N 


I 


E S 

ON  THE 

Slavery  and  Commerce 

O F T H E ' " 

HUMAN  SPECIES. 

In  three  parts. 


PART  I. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  SLAVERY. 

■ I ^ ^ . 

CHAP.  I. 

WHEN  civilized,  as  well  as  barbarous  nations, 
have  been  found,  through  a long  fucceflion  of 
ages,  uniformly  to  concur  in  the  fame  cuftoms,  there 
feems  to  arife  a prefumption,  that  fuch  cuftoms  are  not 
only  eminently  ufeful,  but  are  founded  alfo  on  the  princi- 
ples of  juftice.  Such  is  the  cafe  with  refpeft  io  S/averj^: 
it  has  had  the  concurrence  of  all  the  nations,  which  hif- 
tory  has  recorded,  and  the  repeated  pradice  of  ages 
from  the  remoteft  antiquity,  in  its  favour..  Here  then  is 
an  argument,  deduced  from  the  general  confent  and 
agreement  of  mankind,  in  favour  of  the  propofed  fub- 
ject:  but  alas!  when  we  reflecl  that  the  people,  thus  re- 
duced to  a flate  of  fervitude,  have  had  the  fame  feelings 

with 


. ‘je 


A N 


A 


22  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

■with  ourfelves;  when  we  refle6i:  that  they  have  had  the 
fame  propenfities  to  pleafure,  and  the  fame  averfions  from 
pain;  another  argument  feems  immediately  to  arife  in  op- 
pofition  to  the  former,  deduced  from  our  own  feelings 
and  that  divine  fympathy,  which  nature  has  implanted 
in  our  breafts,  for  the  mofl:  ufeful  and  generous  of  pur- 
pofes.  To  afeertain  the  truth  therefore,  where  tw’ofuch 
oppofite  fources  of  argument  occur;  where  the  force  of 
cuftom  pleads  ftrongly  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  feelings 
of  humanity  on  the  other;  it  is  a matter  of  much  import- 
tance,  as  the  diginity  of  human  nature  is  concerned,  and 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind  will  be  involved  in 
its  difeuflion. 

It  will  be  neceffary,  before  this  point  can  be  determin- 
ed, to  confult  the  Hiftory  of  Slavery,  and  to  lay  before 
the  reader,  in  as  concife  a manner  as  pollible,  a general 
view  of  it  from  its  earlieft  appearance  to  the  prefent  day. 

The  firft,  whom  we  fliall  mention  here  to  have  been 
reduced  to  a ftate  of  fervitude,  may  be  comprehended 
in  that  clafs,  which  is  ufually  denominated  the  Mercena- 
ry. It  confiflied  of  free-born  citizens,  who,  from  the 
various  contingencies  of  fortune,  had  become  fo  poor, 
as  to  have  recourfe  for  their  fupport  to  the  fervice  of  the 
rich.  Of  this  kind  were  thofe,  both  among  the  Egyp- 
tians and  the  Jews,  who  are  recorded  in  the  * facred 
writings,  f The  Grecian  ^.hetes  alfo  wxre  of  this  diferip- 
tion,  as  well  as  thofe  among  the  Romans,  from  whom 
the  clafs  receives  its  appellation,  the  ||  Mercenarily 

We  may  obferve  of  the  above-mentioned,  that  their 
fituation  was  in  many  inftances  fimilar  to  that  of  our  own 

fervants. 

♦ Genefis,  Ch.  47.  Leviticus  xxv.  v.  39.  40. 

\ The  Tketes  appear  very  early  in  the  Grecian  Hiftory.  Od.  Ho- 
mer. , A . 642. 

(1  The  mention  of  thefe  is  frequent  among  the  daffies;  they  were 
called  in  general  niercenarii,  from  the  circumftances  of  their  hirCy  as 
“ quibus,  non  male  prscipiunt,  qui  ita  jubent  uti,  ut  merce?iariis, 

operam  exigendam,  jufta  proebenda.  Cicero  de  off.”  But  they 
are  fometimes  mentioned  in  the  law  books  by  the  name  of  liberty  from 
the  circumftances  of  their  birthy  to  didinguiih  them  from  the  alieniy 
or  foreigners,  as  Juftinian.  D.  7.  8.  4.— Id.  21.  i.  25.  &c.  &c.  &c. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  23 

fervants.  There  was  an  exprefs  contra(n:  between  the 
parties:  they  could,  moft  of  them,  demand  their  dif- 
charge,  if  they  were  ill  ufed  by  their  refpe6live  mafters  5 
and  they  were  treated  therefore  with  more  humanity  than 
thofe,  whom  we  ufually  dilfinguifh  in  our  language  by 
the  appellation  of  Slaves. 

As  this  clafs  of  fervants  was  compofed  of  men,  who 
had  been  reduced  to  fuch  a fituation  by  the  conringences 
of  fortune,  and  not  by  their  own  mifcondud;  fo  there 
was  another  among  the  ancients,  compofed  entirely  of 
thofe,  who  had  fuffered  the  lofs  of  liberty  from  their  own 
^imprudence.  To  this  clafs  may  be  reduced  the  Grecian 
Frcdigals^  w'ho  were  detained  in  the  fervice  of  their  cre- 
ditors, till  the  fruits  of  their  labour  were  equivalent  to 
their  debts ; the  delinquents^  who  were  fentenced  to  the 
oar;  and  the  German  enthufiajis^  as  mentioned  by  Ta- 
citus, who  w'ere  fo  immoderately  charmed  with  gaming, 
as,  when  every  thing  elfe  was  gone,  to  have  flaked  their 
liberty  and  their  very  felves.  ‘‘  The  lofer,^’  fays  he, 
‘‘  goes  into  a voluntary  fervitude,  and  though  younger 
and  flronger  than  the  perfon  with  whom  he  played, 
patiently  fuffers  himfelf  to  be  bound  and  fold.  Their 
“ perfeverance  in  fo  bad  a cuttom  is  fliled  honour.— 
The  flaves,  thus  obtained,  are  immediately  exchanged 
‘‘  away  in  commerce,  that  the  winner  may  get  rid  of 
‘‘  the  fcandal  of  his  victory.” 

To  enumerate  other  inftances,  would  be  unnecefTary: 
it  will  be  fufficient  to  obferve,  that  the  fervants  of  this 
clafs  were  in  a far  more  wretched  fituation,  than  thofe 
of  the  former;  their  drudgery  was  more  intenfe;  their 
treatment  more  fevere;  and  there  was  no  retreat  at  plea- 
fure,  from  the  frowns  and  lafhes  of  their  defpotick  ma- 
flers.  ' 

Having  premifed  this,  we  may  now  proceed  to  a gene- 
ral divifion  of  flavery,  into  voluntary  and  involuntary. 
The  voluntary  will  comprehend  the  two  claffes,  which 
we  have  already  mentioned;  for,  in  the  firfl  inftance, 
there  was  a contraEi^  founded  on  confent\  and  in  the  fe- 
cond,  there  was  a choice  of  engaging  or  not  in  thofe 
pradlices,  the  knowm  confequences  of  which  were  fervi- 
tude. 


24  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

tude.  The  involuntary^  on  the  other  hand,  will  compre- 
hend thofe,  who  were  forced,  without  any  fuch  condition 
or  choice^  into  a fituation,  which  as  it  tended  to  degrade 
a part  of  the  human  fpecies,  and  to  clafs  it  with  the  bru- 
tal, mud  have  been,  of  all  human  fituations,  the  moft 
wretched  and  infupportable.  Thele  are  they,  whom  we 
fhail  confider  foley  in  the  prefent  work.  ' We  fhall  there- 
fore take  our-  leave  of  the  former,  as  they  were  mention- 
ed only,  that  we  might  date  the  queflion  with  greater 
accuracy,  and  be  the  better  enabled  to  reduce  it  to  its 
proper  limits. 


CHAP.  II. 

' The  firfl  that  will  be  mentioned,  of  the  involuntary^ 
were  prifoners  of  ^var.*  “ It  was  a law,  eftablilhed  from 
time  immemorial  among  the  nations  of  antiquity,  to 
oblige  thofe  to  undergo  the  feverities  of  lervitude, 
‘‘  whom  victory  had  thrown  into  their  hands,”  Con- 
formably with  this,  \VQ  find  all  the  Eaftern  nations  unani- 
mous in  the  pradice.  The  fame  cultom  prevailed  among 
the  people  of  the  Well;  for  as  the  Helots  became  the 
Haves  of  the  Spartans,  from  the  right  of  conquefl  only, 
fo  prifoners  of  war  were  reduced  to  the  fame  fituation 
by  the  reft  of  the  inhabitants  of  Greece.  By  the  fame 
principles  that  actuated  thefe,  were  the  Romans  alfo  in- 
fluenced. Their  Hiftory  will  confirm  the  fad:  for  how 
many  cities  are  recorded  to  haVe  been  taken;  how  many 
armies  to  have  been  vanquiflied  in  the  field,  and  the 
wretched  furvivors,  in  both  inftances,  to  have  been 
« doomed  to  fervitude?  It  remains  only  now  to  obferve,  in 
Ihewing  this  cuflom  to  have  been  univerfal,  that  all  thofe 
nations  which  afiifted  in  overturning  the  Roman  Empire, 
though  many  and  various,  adopted  the  fame  meafures ; 
for  we  find  it  a general  maxim  in  their  polity,  that 
whoever  ihould  fall  into  their  hands  as  a prifoncr  of  war, 
Ihould  immediately  be  reduced  to  the  conSition  of  a 
Have. 


Xenoph.  L.  7.  fin. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  25 

It  may  here,  perhaps,  be  not  unworthy  of  remark, 
that  the  involuntary  were  of  greater  antiquity  than  the 
voluntary  Haves.  The  latter  are  firft  mentioned  in  the 
time  of  Pharaoh:  they  could  have  arifen  only  in  a Hate 
of  fociety;  when  property,  after  its  divifion,  had  become 
fo  unequal,  as  to  multiply  the  wants  of  individuals;  and 
when  government,  after  its  eftablifhment,  had  given  fe- 
curity  to  the  poflelTor  by  the  punifiiment  of  crimes. — 
Whereas  the  former  feem  to  be  dated  with  more  propri- 
ety from  the  days  of  Nimrod;  who  gave  rife  probably 
to  that  infeparable  idea  of  vidory  and  fervitude^  which  we 
find  among  the  nations  of  antiquity,  and  which  has  ex- 
ifted  uniformly  fince,  in  one  country  or  another,  to  the 
prefent  day.* 

Add  to  this,  that  they  might  have  arifen  even  in  a 
flate  of  nature,  and  have  been  coeval  with  the  .quarrels 
of  mankind. 


C H A P.  III. 

But  it  was  not  vidlory  alone,  or  any  prefuppofed  right, 
founded  in  the  damages  of  war,  that  afforded  a pretence 
for  invading  the  liberties  of  mankind : the  honourable 
light,  in  which  piracy  was  confidered  in  the  uncivilized 
ages  of  the  world,  contributed  not  a little  to  the  Jlavery 
of  the  human  fpecies.  Piracy  had  a very  early  beginning. 
“ The  Grecians,’^  f fays  T^hucydides,  in  their  primi- 
“ tive  (late,  as  well  as  the  contemporary'barbarians,  who 
inhabited  the  fea  coaffs  and  illands,'  gave  themfelves 
wholly  to  it ; it  was,  in  fliort,  their  only  profeflion 
and  fupport."’  The  writings  of  Homer  are  fufEcient 
of  themfelves  to  elfabliflt  this  account.  They  fliew  it  to 
have  been  a common  pradlice  at  fo  early  a period  as  that 
of  the  Trojan  war;  and  abound  with  many  lively  de- 
fer iptions 

* “ Proud  Nimrod  lirft  the  bloody  chace  began, 

‘‘  A mighty  hunter,  and  his  pray  was  man.” 

P o ?E. 

I Thucvclides.  L.  i.  Tub  initio. 

D 


26  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

fcriptions  of  it,  which,  had  they  been  as  groundlefs  as 
they  are  beautiful,  would  have  frequently  fpared  the  figh 
of  the  reader  of  fenfibiiity  and  reflexion. 

The  piracies,  w^hich  v/ere  thus  pradifed  in  the  early 
ages,  may  be  confidered  as  publick  or  private.  In  the 
former,  wdinle  crews  embarked  for  the  f benefit  of  their 
refpeftive  tribes.  They  made  defcents  on  the  fea  coafis, 
carried  off  cattle,  furprifed  whole  villages,  put  many  of 
the  inhabitants  to  the  fword,  and  carried  others  into  11a- 
verv. 

j 

In  the  latter,  individuals  only  were  concerned,  and  the 
emolument  was  their  own.  Thefe  landed  from  their  Ihips, 
and,  going  up  into  the  country,  concealed  themfelves  in 
the  woods  and  thickets;  where  they  waited  every  op- 
portunity of  catching  the  unfortunate  lliepherd  or  huf- 
bandman  alone.  In  this  fituation  they  Tallied  out  upon 
him,  dragged  him  on  board,  conveyed  him  to  a foreign 
market,  and  fold  him  for  a Have. 

To  this  kind  of  piracy  Ulyffes  alludes,  in  oppofitionto 
the  former,  which  he  had  been  juft  before  mentioning, 
in  his  queftion  to  Eumoeus. 

Did  pirates  wait,  till  all  thy  friends  were  gone, 

‘‘  To  catch  thee  fingly  with  thy  flocks  alone; 

“ Say,  did  they  force  thee  from  thy  fleecy  care, 

“ And  from  thy  fields  tranfport  and  fell  thee  here?’^ 

But  no  piQure,  perhaps,  of  this  mode  of  depredation, 
is  equal  to  that,  with  which  + Xenophon  prefents  us  in 
the  fimple  narrative  of  a dance.  He  informs  us  that  the 
Grecian  army  had  concluded  a peace  with  the  Paphlagoivi- 
ans,  aud  that  they  entertained  their  embaffadors  in  con- 
fequence  with  a banquet,  and  the  exhibition  of  various 
feats  of  adivicy.  “ When  the  Thracians,”  fays  he,  had 

performed  the  parts  allotted  them  in  this  entertainment, 
“ fome  iEnianian  and  Magnetian  foldiers  rofe  up,  and, 

“ accoutred 

I 'idem.  — “ the  flrongefi,”  fays  he,  “ engaging  in  thefe 

adventures. 

Homer.  Odyfs.  L.  15.  385. 
f Xenoph.  L-  6.  mb  initio. 


OF  THE  Human  Spicies.  27 

accoutred  in  their  proper  arms,  exhibited  that  dance, 
which  is  called  Karp(Ea.  The  figure  of  it  is  thus.  One 
of  them,  in  the  charadder  of  an  Imfbandman,  is  feen 
to  till  his  land,  and  is  oblerved,  as  he  drives  his  plough, 
to  look  frequently  behind  him,  as  if  apprehenfive  of 
danger.  Another  immediately  appears  in  fight,  in  the 
“ charadter  of  a robber.  The  Imfbandman,  having  feen 
“ him  previoufly  advancing,  fnatches  up  his  arms.  A 
battle  enfues  before  the  plough.  Ihe  whole  of  this 
performance  is  kept  in  perfedf  time  with  the  mufick  of 
the  flute.  At  length  the  robber,  having:  got  the  bet- 
ter  of  the  hufbandman,  binds  him,  and  drives  him  off 
‘‘  with  his  team.  Sometimes  it  happens  that  the  huh 
‘‘  bandman  fubdues  the  robber:  in  this  cafe  the  feene  is 
only  reverled,  as  the  latter  is  then  bound  and  driven 
off  by  the  former.’^ 

It  is  fcarcely  necelfary  to  obferve,  that  this  dance  was 
a reprefentation  of  the  general  manners  of  men,  in  the 
more  uncivilized  ages  of  the  world  ; fnewing  that  the 
hufbandman  and  fliepherd  lived  in  continual  alarm,  and 
that  there  were  people  in  thofe  ages,  who  derived  their 
pleafures  and  fortunes  from  kidnapping  Ttnd  e njl avi ng  thm 
fellow  creatures. 

We  may  now  take  notice  of  a circumftance  in  this  nar- 
ration, which  will  lead  us  to  a review  of  our  firfl  afferti- 
on  on  this  point,  “ that  the  honourable  light,  in  which 
‘‘  piracy  was  confidered  in  the  times  of  barbarifm,  xon- 
tributed  not  a little  to  the  Jlavery  of  the  haman  fpe- 
cies.”  The  robber  is  reprefented  here  as  frequently 
defeated  in  his  attempts,  and  as  reduced  to  that  deplora- 
ble fituation,  to  which  he  w^as  endeavouring  to  bring 
another.  This  fhews  the  frequent  difficulty  and  danger 
of  his  undertakings:  people  would  not  tamely  refign  their 
lives  or  liberties,  without  a flruggle.  They  were  fome- 
times  prepared;  were  fuperior  often,  in  many  points 
of  view,  to  thefe  invaders  of  their  liberty;^  there  were 
an  hundred  accidental  circumflances  frequently  in  their 
favour.  Thefe  adventurers  therefore  required  all  the 
fkill,  ftrength,  agility,  valour,  and  every  thing,  in  fliort, 
that  may  be  luppofed  to  conflitute  heroifm,  to  ccnducl 
. them 


^8  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

them  with  fuccefs.  Upon  this  idea  piratical  expeditions 
fir  ft  came  into  repute,  and  their  frequency  afterwards, 
together  with  the  danger  and  fortitude,  that  were  infepara- 
bly  conneded  with  them,  brought  them  into  fuch  credit 
among  the  barbarous  nations  of  antiquity,  that  of  all 
human  profeiiions,  piracy  was  the  moft  honourable.  * 

The  notions  then,  which  were  thus  annexed  to  pira- 
tical expeditions,  did  not  fail  to  produce  thofe  confe- 
quences,  which  we  have  mentioned  before.  They  af- 
forded an  opportunity  to  the  views  of  avarice  and 
ambition,  to  conceal  themfelves  under  the  mafk  of  vir- 
tue. They  excited  a fpirit  of  enterprize,  of  all  others 
the  moft  irrefiftible,  as  it  fubfifted  on  the  ftrongeft  prin- 
ciples of  aftion,  emolument  and  honour.  Thus  could 
the  vileft  of  paftions  be  gratified  with  impunity.  Peo- 
ple were  robbed,  ftolen,  murdered,  under  the  pretended 
idea  that  thefe  were  reputable  adventures:  every  enor- 
mity in  fnort  w^as  committed,  and  dreffed  up  in  the  ha- 
biliments of  honour. 

But  as  the  notions  of  men  in  the  lefs  barbarous  ages, 
w’hich  followed,  became  more  corredfed  and  refined, 
the  pradice  of  piracy  began  gradually  to  difappear.  It 
had  hitherto  been  fupported  on  the  grand  columns  of 
emclument  and  honour.  When  the  latter  therefore  was 
removed,  it  received  a confiderable  fhock;  but,  alas!  it 
had  ftill  a pillar  for  its  fupport!  avarice^  which  exifts 
in  all  ftates,  and  which  is  ready  to  turn  every  invention 
to  its  own  ends,  ftrained  hard  for  its  prefervation.  It 
had  been  produced  in  the  ages  of  barbarifm ; it  had 
been  pointed  out  in  thofe  ages  as  lucrative,  and  under 
this  notion  it  was  continued.  People  were  ftill  ftolen; 
many  were  intercepted  (fome,  in  their  purfuits  of  plea- 
fure,  others,  in  the  difeharge  of  their  feveraJ  occupati- 
ons) by  their  own  countrymen ; wTiO  previoufly  laid  in 
w^ait  for  them,  and  fold  them  afterwards  for  (laves ; while 
others  feized  by  merchants,  who  traded  on  the  dilierent 
coafts,  were  torn  from  their  friends  and  ccnneclions, 

and 

* Thucydides.  L.  r.  Tub  initio.  Sextus  Empiricus. 


Schol.  dec.  dec. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  29 

and  carried  into  flavery.  The  merchants  of  Theflaly, 
if  we  can  credit  * Ariftophanes  who  never  fpared  the 
vices  of  the  times,  were  particularly  infamous  for  the' 
latter  kind  of  depredation;  the  Athenians  were  notori- 
ous for  the  former;  for  they  had  pradifed  thefe  robbe- 
ries to  fuch  an  alarming  degree  of  danger  to  individuals, 
that  it  was  found  neceflary  to  enadt  a f law,  which  pu.- 
nifhed  kidnappers  with  death. — But  this  is  fufficient  for 
our  prefent  purpofe ; it  will  enable  us  to  aflert,  that  there 
were  two  clafies  of  involuntary  flaves  among  the  ancients, 
“ of  thofe  who  were  taken  publickly  in  a ftate  of  war, 
“ and  of  thofe  who  were  privately  ilolen  in  a ftate  of 
“ innocence  and  peace.”  We  may  now  add,  that  the 
children  and  delcendents  of  thefe  compofed  a third. 


CHAP.  IV. 

It  will  be  proper  to  fay  fomething  here ‘concerning 
the  fttuation  of  the  unfortunate  men,  who  w’ere  thus 
doomed  to  a life  of  fervitude.  To  enumerate  their  va- 
rious employments,  and  to  defcribe  the  miferies  which 
they  endured  in  confequence,  either  from  the  feverity, 
or  the  long  and  conftant  application  of  their  labour, 
would  exceed  the  bounds  we  have  propofed  to  the  pre- 
fent work.  We  ftiall  confine  ourfclves  to  their  perfonal 
treatment^  as  depending  on  the  power  of  their  mafters, 
and  the  protection  of  the  law.  Their  treatment,  if  con- 
fiJered  in  this  light,  will  equally  excite  our  pity  and  ab- 
horrence. They  ,were  beaten,  ftarved,  tortured,  mur- 
dered at  diferetion:  they  were  dead  in  a civil  fenfe; 
they  had  neither  name  nor  tribe;  were  incapable  of  a 
judicial  procefs;  were  in  lliort  without  appeal.  ' Poor 
unfortunate  men!  to  be  deprived  of  all  pofTible  protec- 
tion! to  luffer  the  bittereft  of  injuries  without  the  pof- 
fibility  of  redrefs!  to  be  condemned  unheard ! 'to' be 

murdered 


* Aridoph.  Pint.  Aft.  2.  Scene  5. 
t Zenoph.  L.’  i. 


30  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

murdered  with  impunity!  to  be  confidered  as  dead  in 
that  ftate,  the  very  members  of  which  they  were  fup- 
porting  by  their  labours! 

Yet  fuch  was  their  general  htuation;  there  were  two 
places  however,  where  their  condition,  if  confidered  in  this 
point  of  view,  was  more  tolerable.  The  ^Egyptian  (lave, 
though  perhaps  of  all  others  the  gieateft  drudge,  yet  if 
he  had  time  to  reach  the  * temple  of  Hercules,  found  a 
certain  retreat  from  the  perfccution  of  his  mailer ; and 
he  received  additional  comfort  from  the  refledlion,  that 
his  life,  whether  he  could  reach  it  or  not,  could  not  be 
taken  with  impunity.  Wife  and  falutary  law!  how  of- 
ten mull  it  have  curbed  the  infolence  of  power,  and 
flopped  thofe  pafTions  in  their  progrefs,  which  had  other- 
W’ife  been  deflruclive  to  the  flave! 

But  though  the  perfons  of  Haves  were  thus  greatly 
fecured  in  jEgypt,  yet  there  was  no  place  fo  favourable 
to  them  as  Athens.  They  were  allov/ed  a greater  liber- 
ty of  fpeech;  f they  had  their  convivial  meetings,  their 
amours,  their  hours  of  relaxation, pleafantry,^ and  mirth; 
they  w^ere  treated,  in  fliort,  with  fo  much  humanity  in  ge- 
neral, as  to  occahon  that  obfervation  of  Demollhenes,  in 
his  fecond  Philippick,  that  the  condition  of  a flave,  * 
at  Athens,  was  preferable  to  that  of  a free  citizen, 

‘‘  in  many  other  countries.”  But  if  any  exception  hap- 
pened (which  was  fometimes  the  cafe)  from  the  general 
treatment  defcribed;  if  perfecution  took  the  place  of 
lenity,  and  made  the  fangs  of  fervitude  more  pointed 
than  before,  | they  had  then  their  temple,  like  the 
^Egyptian,  for  refuge;  wdiere  the  legiflature  was  fo  at- 
tentive, as  to  examine  their  complaints,  and  to  order 
them,  if  they  were  founded  in  jullice,  to  be  fold  to 
■another  mafler.  Nor  was  this  all:  they  had  a privilege 

infinitely 

* Herodotus.  L.  2.  JJ3. 

f Atq  id  11c  VOS  mircmini,  Homines  fervulos. 

“ Potare,  amare,  atq  ad  ccnam  condicere. 

Licet  hoc  Athcnis. 

“ Plautus.  Sticho. 

± Arifioph.  Korte.  Eupoiis. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  31 

infinitely  greater  than  the  whole  of  thefe.  They  tvere 
allowed  an  opportunity  of  working  for  themfeves,  and 
if  their  diligence  had  procured  them  a fum  equivalent 
with  their  ranfom,  they  could  immediately,  on  paying 
it  down,  * demand  their  freedom  for  ever.  This  law 
was,  of  all  others,  the  mofl  important;  as  the  profpedl 
of  liberty,  which  it  afforded,  muft  have  been  a conti- 
nual fource  of  the  moft  pleafing  refle<ftions,  and  have 
greatly  fweetened  the  draught,  even  of  the  mofl  bitter 
llavery. 

Thus  then,  to  the  eternal  honour  of  -^gypt  and 
Athens,  they  were  the  only  places  that  we  can  find, 
where  Haves  were  confidered  with  any  humanity  at  all. 
The  reft  of  the  world  feemed  to  vie  with  each  other,  in 
the  debafement  and  oppreffion  of  thefe  unfortunate  peo- 
ple. They  ufed  them  with  as  much  feverity  as  they 
chofe;  they  meafured  their  treatment  only  by  their  own 
paffion  and  caprice;  and,  by  leaving  them  on  every  oc- 
cafion,  without  the  poffibilitv  of  an.  appeal,  they  render- 
kd  their  fituation  the  moft  melancholy  and  intolerable, 
that  can  poflibly  be  conceived. 


C H A P.  V. 

, As  we  have  mentioned  the  barbarous  and  inhuman 
r treatment  that  generally  fell  to  the  lot  of  Haves,  it  may 
not  be  amifs  to  inquire  into  the  various  circumftances 
by  which  it  was  produced. 

The  firft  circumftance,  from  whence  it  originated, 
was  the  commerce',  for  if  men  could  be  confidered  as 
pojjeffions^  if,  like  cattle^  they  could  be  bought  and  fold^ 
it  will  not  be  difficult  to  fuppofe,  that  they  could  be 

held 

♦ To  this  privilege  Plautus  alludes  in  his  Qa[ma^  where  he  intro- 
duces a Have,  fpcaking  in  the  following  manner. 

“ Quid  tu  me  vero  libertate  territas? 

“ Quod  fi  tu  nolis,  filiufquc  ctiam  tuus 
Vobis  invitisy  atq  amborum  ingratiis, 

“ Uns  lihella  liber  fieri. 


32  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

held'  in  the  fame  confideration,  or  treated  in  the  fame 
manner.  The  commerce  therefore,  which  was  begun 
in  the  primitive  ages  ot  the  world,  by  claiTing  them  with 
the  brutal  fpecies,  and  by  habituating  the  mind  to  con- 
fider  the  terms  of  brute  and  Jlave  as  Jynonhnous^  foon 
caufed  them  to  be  viewed  in  a low  and  defpicabie  light, 
and  as  greatly  inferiour  to  the  human  fpecies.  Hence 
proceeded  that  treatment,  which  might  not  unreafona- 
bly  be  fuppofed  to  arife  from  fo  low  an  eftimation. 

' They  were  tamed,  like  beads,  by  the  flings  of  hunger 
and  the  lafh,  and  their  education  was  dire<ded  to  the 
fame  end,  to  make  them  commodious  inflruments  of 
labour  for  their  pofTeffors. 

This  treatment^  which  thus-  proceeded  in  the  ages  of 
barbarifm,  from  the  low  eftimation,  in  which  flaves  were 
unfortunately  held  from  the  circumftances  of  the  com- 
merce, did  not  fail  of  producing,  in  the  fame  inllant, 
its  own  effect.  It  deprefled  their  minds;  it  numbed  their 
faculties;  and,  by  preventing  thofe  fparks  of  genius 
from  blazing  forth,  which  had  otherwife  been  confpi- 
cuous;  it  gave  them  the  appearance  of  being  endued 
with  inferior  capacities  than  the  reft  of  mankind.  This 
effedl  of  the  treatment  had  made  fo  confiderable  a pro- 
grefs,  as  to  have  been  a matter  of  obfervation  in  the 
days  of  Homer. 

♦ For  half  his  fenfes  Jove  conveys  away, 

Whom  once  he  dooms  to  fee  the  fervile  day. 

Thus  then  did  the  ccnunerce^  by  clafling  them  originally 
with  brutes^  and  the  confequent  treatment,  by  cramping 
their  abilities  and  hindering  them  from  becoming  conipicu- 
ous,  give  to  thefe  unfortunate  people,  at  a very  early  pe- 
riod, the  moft  unfavourable  appearance.  The  rifing  ge- 
nerations, who  received  both  the  commerce  and  treat- 
ment from  their  anceftors,  and  who  had  always  been  ac- 
cuftomed  to  behold  their  effects,  did  not  coniider  thefe* 
effe^s  as  incidental:  they  judged  only  from  what  they  faw^; 
they  believed  the  appearances  to  be  real\  and  hence  arofe 


Homer.  Odyf.  P.  322. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  33 

the  combined  principle,  that  Haves  were  an  Inferiour  or- 
der of  men,  and  perfedly  void  of  underjianding.  Upon 
this  principle  it  was,  that  the  former  treatment  began  to 
be  fully  confirmed  and  eftablifhed;  and  as  this  principle 
was  handed  down  and  diffeminated,  fo  it  became,  in  fuc- 
ceeding  ages',  an  excufe  for  any  feverity,  that  defpotifiu 
might  fugged. 

We  may  obferve  here,  that  as  all  nations  had  this  ex- 
cufe in  common,  as  arifing  from  the  circumjimices  above- 
mentioned,  fo  the  Greeks  firft,  and  the  Romans  after- 
wards, had  an  additional  excufe^  as  arifing  from  their  own 
vanity* 

The  former  having  conquered  Troy,  and  having  united 
themfelves  under  one  common  name  and  intereft,  began, 
from  that  period,  to  didinguifh  the  reft  of  the  world  by 
the  title  of  barbarians;  inferring  by  fuch  an  appellation, 
* that  they  were  men  who  were  only  noble  in  their 
own  country;  that  they  had  no  right,  from  their  na- 
ture^  to  authority  or  command;  that,  on  the  contrary, 
fo  low  were  their  capacities,  they  were  dejiined  by  na- 
‘‘  ture  to  obey^  and  to  live  in  a ftate  of  perpetual  drudgery 
and  fubjugation.”  Conformable  with  this  opinion  was 
the  treatment,  which  was  accordingly  preferibed  to  a bar^ 
barian.  The  philofopher  Ariftotle  himfelf,  in  the  advice 
which  he  gave  to  his  pupil  Alexander,  before  he  went 
upon  his  ATiatick  expedition,  f intreated  him  to  ufe 
the  Greeks^  as  it  became  a general^  but  the  barbarians^ 
as  it  became  a majter ; confider,  fays  he,  the  Yormer 
‘‘  friends  and  domefiicks\  but  the  latter,  as  brutes  and 
plants inferring  that  the  Greeks,  from  the  fuperiori- 
ty  of  their  capacities,  had  a natural  right  to  dominion,  and 
that  the  reft  of  the  world,  from  the  inferiority  of  their 
own,  were  to  be  confidered  and  treated  as  the  irrational 
part  of  the  creation. 

Now,  if  we  confider  that  this  was  the  treatment,  which 
they  judged  to  be  abfolutely  proper  for  people  of  this 
defeription,  and  that  their  Haves  were  uniformly  thofe, 

whom 


AriHotle.  Polit.  Ch.  2.  et  infeq. 
t Plutarch,  de  Fortun.  Alexand.  Orat.  i. 
K 


34  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

'whom  they  termed  barbarians  \ being  generally  fuch,  as 
were  either  kidnapped  from  Barbary^  or  purchafed  from 
the  barbarian  conquerors  in  their  'wars  with  one  another; 
we  fhall  immediately  fee,  with  what  an  additional  excufe 
their  own  vanity  had  furniflied  them  for  the  fallies  of  ca- 
price and  paflion. 

To  refute  thefe  cruel  fentiments  of  the  ancients,  and 
to  fhew  that  their  flaves  were  by  no  means  an  inferiour 
order  of  beings  than  themfelves,  may  perhaps  be  con- 
fidered  as  an  unneceffary  talk;  particularly,  as  having 
fhewn,  that  the  caufes  of  this  inferiour  appearance  were 
incidental^  arifing,  on  the  one  hand,  from  the  combined 
effeds  of  the  treatment  and  commeree^  and,  on  the  other, 
from  vanity  and  pride^  we  feem  to  have  refuted  them  al- 
ready. But  we  trufl  that  fome  few'  obfervations,  in  vin- 
dication of  thefe  unfortunate  people,  will  neither  be  un- 
acceptable nor  improper. 

How  then  fliall  we  begin  the  refutation?  Shall  'w^e  fay 
with  Seneca,  who  faw  many  of  the  flaves  in  queftion. 
What  is  a knight^  or  a libertine^  or  a Jlavef  Are  they 
“ not  names,  alTumed  either  from  injury  or  ambhionf'^ 
Or,  fliall  we  fay  with  him  on  another  occafion,  “ Let  us 
“ confider  that  he,  whom  we  call  our  Have,  is  born  in 
the  fame  manner  as  ourfelves;  that  he  enjoys  the  fame 
fky,  with  all  its  heavenly  luminaries ; that  he  breathes, 
that  he  lives,  in  the  fame  manner  as  ourfelves,  and, 
in  the  fame  manned,  that  he  expires/’  Thefe  con- 
fiderations,  we  coiifefs,  would  furnifh  us  with  a plentiful 
fource  of  arguments  in  the  cafe  before  us ; but  we  de- 
cline their  alliftance.  How  then  fliall  we  begin?  Shall 
v/e  enumerate  the  many  inftances  of  fidelity,  patience, 
or  valour,  that  are  recorded  of  the  fervile  race?  Shall 
w'e  enumerate  the  many  important  fervices,  that  they 
rendered  both  to  the  individuals  and  the.  community,  un- 
der whom  they  lived?  Here  would  be  a fecond  fource, 
from  whence  we  could  collect  fufficient  materials  to  fhew, 
that  there  was  no  inferiority  in  their  nature.  But  wx  de- 
cline to  ufe  them.  We  fliall  content  ourfelves  with  fome 
few  inftances,  that  relate  to  the  genius  only:  we  fhall 
mention  the  names  of  thofe  of  a fervile  condition,  whofe 

writings, 


^ OF  THE  Human  Species.  ^ 35 

writings,  have  efcaped  the  wreck  of  time,  and  having 
been  handed  down  even  to  the  prefent  age,  are  now  to 
be  feen,  as  fo  many  living  monuments,  that  neither  the 
Grecian,  nor  Roman  genius,  was  fuperiourto  their  own. 

The  firft,  whom  we  fhall  mention  here,  is  the  famous 
.^fop.  • He  was  a Phrygian  by  birth,  and  lived  in  the 
time  of  Croefus,  king  of  Lydia,  to  whom  he  dedicated 
his  fables.  The  writings  of  this  great  man,  in  what- 
ever light  v.^e  confider  them,  will  be  equally  entitled  to 
our  admiration.  But  we  are  well  aware,  that  the  very 
mention  of  him  as  a writer  of  fables,  may  depreciate 
him  in  the  eyes  of  fome.  To  fuch  we  fliall  propofe  a 
queftion,  ‘‘  Whether  this  fpecies  of  writing  has  not  been 
more  beneficial  to  mankind;  or  whether  it  has  not 
produced  more  important  events,  than  any  other?” 
With  refpecl  to  the  firft  confideration,  it  is  evident 
that  thefe  fables,  as  confifting  of  plain  and  fimple  tranf- 
adions,  are  particularly  eafy  to  be  underftood;  as  con- 
veyed in  images,  they  pleafe  and  feduce  the  mind;  and, 
as  containing  a morale  eafily  deducible  on  the  fide  of 
virtue ; that  they  afford,  at  the  fame  time,  the  mod 
weighty  precepts  of  philofophy.  Here  then  are  the  two 
grand  points  of  compofition,  a manner  of  expreflion 
to  be  apprehended  by  the  lowed  capacities,  and  * 
(what  is  confidered  as  a vidory  in  the  art)  an  happy 
conjundion  of  utility  and  pleafure.’’  Hence  Quintili- 
an recommends  them,  as  fingularly  ufeful,  and  as  ad* 
mirably  adapted,  to  the  puerile  age;  as  a jud  gradation 
between  the  language  of  the  nurfe  and  the  preceptor, 
and  as  furnifhing  maxims  of  prudence  and  virtue,  at  a 
time  when  the  fpeculative  principles  of  philofophy  are 
too  difficult  to  be  undcrdood.  Hence  alfo  having  been 
introduced  by  mod  civilized  nations  into  their  fydem  of 
education,  they  have  produced  that  general  benefit,  to 
which  we  at  fird  alluded.  Nor  have  they  been  of  lefs 
confequence  in  maturity  ; but  particularly  to  thofe  of  infe- 
riour  capacities,  or  little  erudition,  whom  they  have  fre- 
quently 

* Omne  tulit  punctum,  qui  mifcuit  utile  dtilci.  Horace. 


On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce  ^ 

quently  ferved  as  a guide  to  conduct  them  in  life,  and 
as  a medium,  through  which  an  explanation  might  be 
made,  on  many  and  important  occafions. 

With  refpect  to  the  latter  confideration,  which  is  eali- 
ly  deducible  from  hence,  we  fnall  only  appeal  to  the 
w^onderful  effect,  w’hich  the  fable,  pronounced  by  De- 
mofthenes  againft  Philip  of  Macedon,  produced  among 
his  hearers;  or  to  the  fable,  which  wasfpoken  by  Men e- 
nius  Agrippato  the  Roman  populace;  by  which  an  illite- 
rate multitude  were  brought  back  to  their  duty  as  citi- 
zens, w'hen  no  other  fpecies  of  oratory  could  prevail. 

To  thefe  truly  ingeniolis^  and  FJnlofcphical  works  of 
^fop,  we  fliall  add  thofe  of  his  imitator  Phsedrus,  which 
in  purity  and  elegance  of  ftyle,  are  inferiour  to  none. 
We  fliall  add  alfo  the  Lyrick  Poetry  Alckman,  which 
is  no  fervile  compofition  ; the  fublime  Morals  of  Epidte- 
tus,  and  the  incompiarable  comedies  of  Terence. 

Thus  then  does  it  appear,  that  the  excufe  which  was 
uniformly  ftarted  in  defence  of  the  treatment  of  haves, 
had  no  foundation  whatever  either  in  truth  or  juffice. 
The  inflances  that  we  have  mentioned  above,  are  fuf- 
ficient  to  fliew,  that  there  was  no  inferiority,  either  in 
their  nature^  or  their  underftandings : and  at  the  fame 
time  that  they  refute  the  principles  of  the  ancients,  they 
afford  a valuable  leffon  to  thofe,  wdio  have  been  accuf- 
tomed  to  form  too  precipitate  a judgment  on  the  abilities 
of  men:  for,  alas!  how  often  has  fecret anguijh  depreffed 
the  fpirits  of  thofe,  whom  they  have  frequently  cenfur- 
,ed,  from  their  gloomy  and  dejedted  appearance!  and 
liow  often,  on  the  other  hand,  lias  their  judgment  re- 
fulted  from  their  own  vanity  and  pride! 


CHAP.  VI. 

We  proceed  now  to  the  confideration  of  commerce: 
in  confequence  of  which,  people,  endued  with  the  fime 
feelings  and  faculties  as  ourfelves,  were  made  fubjed:  to 
the  laws  and  limitations  of  pojfeffwn. 


This 


^ OF  THE  Human  Species.  37 

This  commerce  of  the  human  fpecies  was  of  a very- 
early  date.  It  was  founded  on  the  idea'  that  men  were 
property^  and,  as  this  idea  was  coeval  with  the  firft  or- 
der of  in^ooiuntary  haves,  it  muff  have  arifen,  (if  the 
date,  w’hich  we  previouhy  affixed  to  that  order,  be  right) 
in  the  firfl;  practices  of  barter.  The  Story  of  Jofeph,  as 
recorded  in  the  facred  writings,  whom  his  brothers  fold 
from  an  envious  fufpicion  of  his  future  greatnefs,  is  an 
ample  teflimony  of  the  truth  of  this  conjecture.  It  (hews 
■ that  there  were  men,  even  at  that  early  period,  who 
travelled  up -and  down  as  merchants,  colledting  not  only 
balm,  myrrh,  fpicery,  and  other  wares,  but  the  human 
fpecies  alfo,  for  the  purpofes  of  traffick.  The  initant 
determination  of  the  brothers,  on  the  firfl  fight  of  the 
merchants,  io /ell  him^  and  the  immediate  acquiefcence 
of  thefe,  who  purchafed  him  for  a foreign  market,  prove 
that  this  commerce  had  been  then  eflabliffied,  not  only 
in  that  part  of  the  country,  where  this  tranfadlion  hap- 
pened, but  in  that  alfo,  whither  the  merchants  were  then 
travelling  with  their  camels,  namely,  iEgypt:  and  they 
fhew  farther,  that,  as  all  cuffoms  require  time  for  their 
eflablifhment,  fo  it  muff  have  exifled  in  the  ages,  pre- 
vious to  that  of  Pharaoh;  that  is,  in  thofe  ages,  in 
which  we  fixed  the  firft  date  of  irrcoliiniary  fervitude. 
This  commerce  then,  as  appears  by  the  prefent  inftance, 
exifted  in  the  earliefl  practices  of  barter,  and  had  de- 
fended to  the  jffilgyptians,  through  as  long  a period  or 
time,  as  was  fufficient  to  have  made  it,  in  the  times  al- 
luded to,  an  eflabliffied  cuflom.  Thus  was  ^gypt,  in 
thofe  days,  the  place  of  the  greateft  refort;  the  grand 
emporium  of  trade,  to  which  people  were  driving  their 
' merchandize,  as  to  a centre;  and  thus  did  it  afford, 
among  other  opportunities  of  traffick,  the  firft  market 
that  is  recorded,  for  the  fale  of  the  human  fpecies. 

This  market,  which  was  thus  fupplied  by  the  conflant 
concourfe  of  merchants,  who  reforted  to  it  from  various 
parts,  could  not  fail,  by  thefe  means,  to  have  been  con- 
fiderable.  It  received,  afterw^ards,  an  additional  fuppiy 
from  thofe  piracies,  which  vit  mentioned  to  have  exiffed 
in  the  uncivilized  ages  of  the  world,  and  wdn'ch,  in  fadt, 

it 


3S  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

it  greatly  promoted,  and  encouraged;  and  it  became, 
from  thd'e  united  circumilances,  -fo  famous,  as  to  have 
been  known,  within  a few  centuries  from  the  time  of 
Pharaoh,  both  to  the  Grecian  colonies  in  Afia,  and  the 
Grecian  iflands.  Homer  mentions  Cyprus  and  ikgypt 
as  the  common  markets  for  flaves,  about  the  times  of 
the  Trojan  war.  Thus  Antinous,  offended  with  Ulyffes, 
threatens  to  fend  him  to  * one  of  thefe  places,  if  he 
does  not  inflantly  depart  from  his  table.  The  fame  poet 
alfo,  in  his  -j-  hymn  to  Bacchus,  mentions  them  again, 
but  in  a more  unequivocal  manner,  as  the  common  mar- 
kets for  flaves.  He  takes  occafion,  in  that  hymn,  to 
defcribe.the  pirates  method  of  fcouring  the  coaft,  from 
the  circumflance  of  their  having  kidnapped  Bacchus, 
as  a noble  youth,  for  whom  they  expeded  an  immenfe 
ranfom.  The  captain  of  the  vefl'el,  having  dragged  him 
on  board,  is  reprefented  as  addrelfing  himfelf  thus,  to 
the  fteerfman: 

Haul  in  the  tackle,  hoift  aloft  the  fail, 

Then  take  your  helm,  and  watch  the  doubtful  gale! 

To  mind  the  captive  prey,  be  our’s  the  care, 

‘‘  While  you  to  ^gypt  or  to  Cyprus  fleer,* 

‘‘  There  lliall  he  go,  unlefs  his  friends  he’ll  tell, 

Whofe  ranfom-gifts  will  pay  us  full  as  well.” 

It  may  not  perhaps  be  confidered  as  a digreffion,  to 
mention  in  few  words,  by  itfelf,  the  wonderful  concor- 
dance of  the  writings 'of  Mofes  and  Homer  with  the  cafe 
before  us:  not  that  the  former,  from  their  divine  autho- 
rity, want  additional  fupport,  but  becaufe  it  cannot  be 
unpleafant  to  fee  them  confirmed  by  a perfon,  who,  be- 
ing one  of  the  earlieft  writers,  and  living  in  a very  re- 
mote age,  Was  the  firfl  that  could  afford  us  any  additional 
proof  of  the  circumftances  above-mentioned.  iEgypt 
is  reprefented,  in  the  firfl  book  of  the  facred  writings, 
as  a market  for  flaves,  and,  in  the  \ fecond,  as  famous 


Horn.  Odyfl*.  L.  17.  448. 
t L.  26. 

i Exodus.  Ch.  I. 


for 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  39 

for  the  feverity  of  its  fervitude.  | The  fame  line,  which 
we  have  already  cited  from  Homer,'  conveys  to  us  the 
fame  ideas.  It  points  it  out  as  a market  for  the  human 
fpecies,  and  by  the  epithet  of  “ bitter  ( J which 

epithet  is  peculiarly  annexed  to  it  on  this  occafion)  al- 
ludes in  the  ffrongeft  manner  to  that  feverity  and  rigour, 
of  which  the  facred  hiftorian  tranfmitted  us  the  firfl;  ac- 
count. 

But,  to  relMrn.  Though  iEgypt  was  the  firfl  market 
recorded  for  this  fpecies  of  trafiick;.  and  though  iEgypt, 
and  Cyprus  afterwards,  were  particularly  diflinguifhed 
for  it,  in  the  times  of  the  Trojan  war;  yet  they  were 
not  the  only  places,  even  at  that  period,  where  men  were 
bought  and  fold.  The  Odyfl'ey  of  Homer  fliews  that  it 
was  then  praclifed  in  many  of  the  iflands  of  the  ^goean 
fea;  and  the  Iliad,  that  it  had  taken  place  among  thofe 
Grecians  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  who  had  embark- 
ed from  thence  on  the  Trojan  expedition.  This  appears 
particularly  at  the  end  of  the  feventh  book.  A fleet  is 
defcribed  there,  as  having  jufl:  arrived  from  Lemnos, 
with  a fupply  of  wine  for  the  Grecian  camp.  The  mer- 
chants are  defcribed  alfo,  as  immediaetly  expofing  it  to 
fale,  and  as  receiving  in  exchange,  among  other  articles 
of  barter,  “ a number  of  flavesJ’ 

It  will  now  be  fufficient  to  obferve,  that,  as  other 
flares  arofe,  and  as  circumflances  contributed  to  make 
them  known,  this  cuflom  is  difcovered  to  have  exifled 
among  them;  that  it  travelled  oyer  all  Afia;  that,  it 
■fpread  through  the  Grecian  and  Roman  world ; was  in 
ufe  among  the  barbarous  nations,  which  overturned  the 
Roman  empire;  and  was  pra6lifed  therefore,  at  the  fame 
period,  throughout  all  Europe.  ' 


C H A P. 


f Vide  note  ifl.  page  3^, 

f This  ftrikes  us  the  more  forcibly,  as  it  is  ftiled,  heaufiful  and 
welt  watered^'’  in  all  other  paffages  where  it  is  mentioned,  but  this.  . 


40 


On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 


CHAP.  VII. 

This  Jlavery  and  commerce^  which  had  continued  for 
lo  long  a time,  and  which  was  thus  pradifed  in  Europe 
at  fo  late  a period  as  that,  which  fucceeded  the  grand 
revolutions  in  the  weftern  world,  began,  as  the  northern 
nations  were  fettled  in  their  conquefts,  to  decline,  and, 
on  their  full  eftablifliment,  v/ere  abolifhed.  A differ- 
ence of  opinion  has  arifen  refpeding  the  caufe  of  their 
abolition;  fome  having  aflerted,  that  they  were  the  ne- 
ceffary  confequences  of  the  feudal  fjjleiu;  while  others, 
fuperiour  both  in  number  and  in  argument,  have  main- 
tained that  they  were  the  natural  effects  of  Chri/iianity* 
The  mode  of  argument,  which  the  former  adopt  on  this 
occafion,  is  as  follows.  The  multitude  of  little  States, 
which  fprang  up  from  one  great  one  at  this  ^ra,  oc- 
cafioned  infinite  bickerings  and  matter  for  contention. 
“ There  was  not  a ftate  or  feignory,  which  did  not  want 
all  the  hands  they  could  mufler,  either  to  defend  their 
own  right,  or  to  difpute  that  of  their  neighbours. 
“ Thus  every  man  was  taken  into  the  fervice:  whom 
‘‘  they  armed  they  muft  trufl:  and  there  could  be  no 
trufl 'but  in  free  men.  Thus  the  barrier  between  the 
two  natures  was  thrown  down,  and  flavery  was  no 
more  heard  of  in  the 

That^this  was  not  the  neceffary  ccnfequence  of  fuch  a 
fituation,  is  apparent.  The  political  ffate  of  Greece, 
in  its  early  hiflory,  was  the  fame  as  that  of  Europe, 
when  divided,  by  the  feudal  fyflem,  into  an  infinite 
number  of  fmall  and  independent  kingdoms.  There 
was  the  fame  matter  therefore  for  contention,  and  the 
fame  call  for  all  the  hands  that  could  be  muflered:  the 
Grecians,  in  fhort,  in  the  heroick^  were  in  the  fame  fitu- 
ation  in  thefe  refpeefs  as  the  feudal  barons  in  the  Gothick 
times.  Had  this  therefore  been  a neceffary  effect,  there 
had  been  a ceffation  of  fervitude  in  Greece,  in  thofe 
ages,  in  which  we  have  already  fhewn  that  it  exifted. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  . ' 41 

But  with  refpeft  to  ChriJUanity^  many  and  great  are 
the  arguments,  that  it  occafioned  fo  defirable  an  event. 
It  taught,  that  all  men  were  originally  equal;  that  the 
‘‘  Deity  was  no  refpeder  of  perfons,  and  that,  as  all 
“ men  were  to  give  an  account  of  their  adlions  here- 
after,  it  was  neceflary  that  they  fhould  be  free.”  Thefe 
doctrines  could  not  fail  of  having  their  proper  influence 
on  thofe,  who  firfl:  embraced  Chrijiiamty ^ from  a con- 
vidion  of  its  truth;  and  on  thofe  of  their  defcendents 
afterwards,  who,  by  engaging  in  the  crufades^  and  ha- 
zarding their  lives  and  fortunes  there,  fhewed,  at  leaft, 
an  attachment  to  that  religion.  We  find  them  accord- 
ingly actuated  by  thefe  principles:  we  have  a pofitive 
proof,  that  the  feudal  fyftem  had  no  fhare  in  the  honour 
of  fupprelTing  flavery,  but  that  Chrijiianity  was  the  only 
caufe;  for  the  greateft  part  of  the  charters  which  were 
granted  for  the  freedom  of  fiaves  in  thofe  times  (many  of 
which  are  ftill  extant)  v/ere  granted,  pro  amore  Dei^ 
‘‘  pro  mercede  animce**  They  were  founded,  in  Ihort, 
on  religious  confiderations,  that  they  might  procure 
“ the  favour  of  the  Deity,  which  they  conceived  thein- 
felves  to  have  forfeited,  by  the  fubjugation  of  thofe, 
“ whom  they  found  to  be  the  objeds  of  the  divine  be- 
nevolence  and  attention  equally  with  themfelves.” 
Thefe  confiderations,  which  had  thus  their  firfl;  origin 
in  Chrijiianity ^ began  to  produce  their  effedls,  as  the 
different  nations  were  converted;  and  procured  that 
general  liberty  at  lafl:,  which,  at  the  dole  of  the  twelfth 
century,  was  confpicuous  in  the  weft  of  Europe.  What 
a glorious  and  important  change!  Thofe,  who  would 
have  had  otherwife  no  hopes,  but  that  their  miferies 
would  be  terminated  by  death,  were  then  freed  from 
their  fervile  condition  ; thofe,  who,  by  the  laws  of  war, 
would  have  had  otherwife  an  immediate  profpect  of  fer- 
vitude  from  the  hands  of  their  imperious  conquerors, 
w’ere  then  exchanged;  a cuftom,  which  has  happily  de- 
fcended  to  the  prefent  day.  Thus,  ‘‘  A numerous  clafs 
of  men,  who  formerly  had  no  political  exiftence,  and 
were  employed  merely  as  inftruments  of  labour,  be- 
“ came  ufeful  citizens,  and  contributed  towards,  aug- 

F menting 


4'2  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

meriting  the  force  or  riches  of  the  fociety,  which 
“ adopted  them  as  members*/’  and  thus  did  the  greater 
part  of  the  Europeans,  by  their  condudl  on  this  occa- 
fion,  aflert  not  only  liberty  for  themfelves  but  for  their 
fellow-creatures,  alfo. 


CHAP  VIII. 

But  if  men  therefore,  at  a time  when  under  the  in- 
fluence of  religion  they  exercifed  their  ferious  thoughts, 
aboliflied  llavery,  how  impious  muft  they  appear,  who 
revived  it;  and  what  arguments  will  not  prefent  them- 
felves againfl:  their  conduct!  * The  Portugueze,  within 
two  centuries  after  its  fuppreflion  in  Europe,  in  imita- 
tion of  thofe  piracies^  which  we  have  fhewn  to  have 
exifted  in  the  uncivilized  ages  of  the  world,  made  their 
defcents  on  Africa,  and  committing  depredations  on 
the  coaft,  -[•  firjl  carried  the  wretched  inhabitants  into 
flavery. 

This  practice,  however  trifling  and  partial  it  might 
appear  at  firft,  foon  became  ferious  and  general.  A 
melancholy  inftance  of  the  depravity  of  human  nature ; 

as 

* The  following  Ihort  hiflory  of  the  African  fervitiide,  is  taken 
from  Aftley’s  Colleftion  of  Voyages,  and  from  the  united  teftimonies 
of  Smyth,  Adanfon,  Bofman,  Moore,  and  others,  who  were  agents 
to  the  different  fadories  eftabllilied  there;  who  refided  many  years 
in  the  country;  and  publiihed  their  refpedive  hiftories  at  their  re- 
turn. Thefe  writers,  if  they  are  partial  at  all,  may  be  confidered 
as  favourable  rather  to  their  own  countrymen,  than  the  unfortunate 
Africans. 

j We  would  not  wiffi  to  be  underftood,  that  flavery  was  unknown 
in  Africa  before  the  piratical  expeditions  of  the  Portuguefe,  as  it  ap- 
pears from  the  Nubians  Geography^  that  both  the  flaveiy  and  com- 
merce had  been  eftablilfied  among  the  natives  with  one  another. 
We  mean  only  to  affert,  that  the  Portuguefe  were  the  firft  of  the 
Europeans^  who  made  their  piratical  expeditions,  and  lliewed  the  way 
to  that  Jlaveryy  which  now  makes  fo  difgraceful  a figure  in  the  weftern 
colonies  of  the  Europeans.  In  the  term  “ Europeans,”  wherever  it 
ftiall  occur  in  the  remaining  part  of  this  firft  differtation,  we 
include  the  Portuguefe,  and  thofe  nations  only,  who  followed  their 
exagiple. 


OF  THE  Human  Species,  43 

as  it  Hiews,  . that  neither  the  laws  nor  religion  of  any 
country,  however  excellent  the  forms  of  each,  are  fuf- 
ficient  to  bind  the  confciences  of  fome;  but  that  there 
are  always  men,  of  every  age,  country,  and  perfuafion, 
who  are  ready  to  facrifice  their  deardl  principles  at  the 
ihrine  ol  gain.  Our  own  anceftors,  together  with  the 
Spaniards,  French,  and  moft  of  the  maritime  powers  of 
Europe,  foon  followed  the  piratical  example;  and  thus 
did  the  Europeans,  to  their  eternal  infamy,  renew  a cuf- 
tom,  which  their  o%un  anceftors  had  fo  lately  exploded, 
from  a confcientioujnefs  of  its  impiety. 

The  unfortunate  Africans,  terrified  at  thefe  repeated 
depredations,  fled  in  confufion  from  the  coaft,  and 
fought,  in  the  interiour  parts  of  the  country,  a retreat 
from  the  perfecution  of  their  invaders.  But,  alafS,  they 
were  miferably  difappointed!  There  are  few  retreats, 
that  can  efcape  the  penetrating  eye  of  avarice.  The 
Europeans  ftill  purfued  them;  they  entered  their  rivers; 
failed  up  into  the  heart  of  the  country ; furprized  the 
unfortunate  Africans  again ; and  carried  them  into 
llavery. 

But  this  condud:,  though  fuccefsful  at  firft,  defeated 
afterwards  its  own  ends.  It  created  a more  general  alarm, 
and  pointed  out,  at  the  fame  inftant,  the  beft  method  of 
fecurity  from  future  depredations.  The  banks  of  the 
rivers  were  accordingly  deferted,  as  the  coafts  had  been 
before ; and  thus  were  the  Chriftian  invaders  left  with- 
out a profped  of  their  prey. 

In  this  fituation  however,  expedients  were  not  want- 
ing. They  now  formed  to  themfelves  the  refolution  of 
fettling  in  the  country;  of  fecuring  themfelves  by  forti- 
fied pofts;  of  changing  their  fyftem  of  force  into  that 
of  pretended  liberality;  and  of  opening,  by  every  fpe- 
cies  of  bribery  and  corruption,  a communication  with 
the  natives.  Thefe  plans  were  put  into  immediate  exe- 
cution. The  Europeans  ereded  their  * forts;  landed 

their 

♦ The  Portuguefe  erected  their  fird  fort  at  D'Elminay  in  the  year 
748T,  about  forty  years  atter  Alonzo  Gonzales  had  pointed  the 
Southern  Africans  out  to  his  countrymen  as  articles  of  commerce. 


44  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 
their  merchandize;  and  endeavoured,  by  a peaceable 
deportment,  by  prefents,  and  by  every  appearance  of 
munificence,  to  feduce  the  attachment  and  confidence 
of  the  Africans.  Thefe  fchemes  had  the  defired  effedl. 
The  gaudy  trappings  of  European  art,  not  only  caught 
their  attention,  but  excited  their  curiofity:  they  dazzled 
the  eyes  and  bewitched  the  fenfes,  not  only  of  thofe, 
to  whom  they  were  given,  but  of  thofe,  to  whom  they 
were  fliewn.  Thus  follow*ed  a Ipeedy  intercourfe  with 
each  other,  and  a confidence,  highly  favourable  to  the 
views  of  avarice  or  ambition. 

It  was  now  time  for  the  Europeans  to  embrace  the 
opportunity,  which  this  intercourfe  had  thus  afforded 
them,  of  carrying  their  fchemes  into  execution,  and  of 
fixing  them  on  fuch  a permanent  foundation,  as  fhould 
fecure  them  future  fuccefs.  They  had  already  difeover- 
ed,  in  the  different  interviews  obtained,  the  chiefs  of 
the  African  tribes.  They  paid  their  court  therefore  to 
thefe,  and  fo  compleatly  intoxicated  their  fenfes  with  the 
luxuries,  which  they  brought  from  home,  as  to  be  able 
to  feduce  them  to  their  defigns.  A treaty  of  peace  and 
commerce  was  immediately  concluded:  it  was  agreed, 
that  the  kings,  on  their  part,  fhould,  from  this  period, 
fentence  prijoners  cf  *ivar  and  conviBs  to  European  fer- 
'uitude ; and  that  the  Europeans  fliould  fupply  them,  in 
return,  with  the  luxuries  of  the  north.  This  agreement 
immediately  took  place;  and  thus  begun  that  commerce^ 
which  makes  fo  confiderable  a figure  at  the  prefent 
day. 

iBut  happy  had  the  Africans  been,  if  thofe  only,  who 
had  been  juflly  convi^ed  of  crimes,  or  taken  in  a juft 
war,  had  been  fentenced  to  the  feverities  of  fervitude! 
How  many  of  thofe  miferies,  wEich  afterwards  attended 
them,  had  been  never  known;  and  how  would  their 
hiftory  have  faved  thofe  fighs  and  emotions  of  pity, 

, which  muft  now  ever  accompany  its  perufal.  The  Eu- 
ropeans, on  the  eftablifhment  of  their  weftern  colonies, 
required  a greater  number  of  flaves  than  a ftridl  adhe- 
rence to  the  treaty  could  produce.  The  princes  there- 
fore had  only  the  choice  of  relinquiihing  the  commerce, 

or 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  45 

or  of  confenting  to  become  unjuft.  They  had  long  ex- 
perienced the  emoluments  of  the  trade;  they  had  ac- 
quired a tafte  for  the  luxuries  it  afforded;  and  they  now 
beheld  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  it,  but  in  a more 
extenfive  manner.  Avarice  therefore,  which  was  too 
powerful  for  jujiice  on  this  occafion,  'immediately  turned 
the  fcale:  not  only  thofe,  who  w^ere  fairly  convided  of 
offences,  were  now  fentenced  to  fervitude,  but  even 
thofe  who  were  fiifpeded.  New  crimes  w^ere  invented, 
that  new  punifliments  might  fucceed.  Thus  was  every 
appearance  foon  conftrued  into  reality;  every  lliadow 
into  a fubftance;  and  often  virtue  into  a crime. 

Such  alfo  was  the  cafe  with  refpecl  to  prifoners  of  war. 
Not  only  thofe  were  now  delivered  into  llavery,  who 
were  taken  in  a ftate  of  publick  enmity  and  injuf- 
tice,  but  thofe  alfo,  who,  confeious  of  no  injury  what- 
ever, wTre  taken  in  the  arbitrary  Ikirmifhes  of  thefc 
venal  fovereigns.  War  was  no\v  made,  not  as  former- 
ly, from  the  motives  of  retaliation  and  defence,  but  for 
the  fake  of  obtaining  prifoners  alone,  and  the  advan- 
tages refulting  from  their  fale.  If  a fliip  from  Europe 
came  but  into  fight,  it  w’as  now  confidered  as  a fufficient 
motive  for  a war,  and  as  a fignal  only  for  an  inftantane- 
ous  commencement  of  hoffilities. 

But  if  the  African  kings  could  be  capable  of  fuch 
injuftice,  wdiat  vices  are  there,  that  their  confciences 
would  refirain,  or  what  enorm.itics,  that  we  might  not 
expect  to  be  committed?  When  men  once  confent  to  be 
unjuft,  they  lofe,  at  the  fame  inftant  with  their  virtue, 
a confiderable  portion  of  that  fenfe  of  fliame,  which, 
till  then,  had  been  found  a fuccefsful  protector  againft 
the  fallies  of  vice.  From  that  awful  period,  almofl  eve- 
ry expectation  is  forlorn:  the  heart  is  left  unguarded: 
its  great  protector  is  no  more:  the  vices  therefore, 
which  fo  long  encompaffed  it  in  vain,  obtain  an  eafy  vic- 
tory: in  crouds  they  pour  into  the  defencelefs  avenues, 
and  take  poffeffion  of  the  foul:  there  is  nothing  now 
too  vile  for  them  to  meditate,  too  impious  to  perform. 
Such  was  the  fituation  of  the  defpotick  fovereigns  of 
Africa.  They  had  once  ventured  to  pafs  the  bounds  of 

virtue. 


4^  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

virtue,  and  they  foon  proceeded  to  enormity.  This  was 
particularly  confpicuous  in  that  general  condudl,  which 
they  uniformly  obferved,  after  any  unfuccefsful  conflidt. 
Influenced  only  by  the  venal  motives  of  European  traf- 
fick,  they  firfl  made  war  upon  the  neighbouring  tribes, 
contrary  to  every  principle  of  juflice;  and  if,  by  the 
flight  of  the  enemy,  or  by  other  contingencies,  they 
were  difappointcd  of  their  prey,  they  made  no  hefita- 
tion  of  immediately  turning  their  arms  againfl  their 
ow’n  fubjecls.  The  hrft  villages  they  cam.e  to,  were  al- 
ways marked  on  this  occafion,  as  the  firfl  objecls  of 
their  avarice.  They  were  immediately  furrounded,  were 
afterwards  fet  on  fire,  and  the  wretched  inhabitants 
feized,  as  they  were  efcaping  from  the  flames.  Thefe, 
confining  of  whole  families,  fathers,  brothers,  hufbands, 
wives,  and  children,  were  inflantly  driven  in  chains  to 
the  merchants,  and  configned  to  fia^^'ery. 

To  thefe  calamities,  which  thus  arofe  from  the  tyran- 
ny of  the  kings,  we  may  now  fubjoin  thofe,  which  arofe 
from  the  avarice  of  private  perfons.  Many  were  kid- 
napped by  their  own  countrymen,  who,  encouraged  by 
the  merchants  of  Europe,  previoufly  lay  in  wait  for 
them,  and  fold  them  afterwards  for  flaves;  wdiile  the 
feamen  of  the  different  fliips,  by  every  poffible  artifice, 
enticed  others  on  board,  and  tranfported  them  to  the 
regions  of  fervitude. 

As  thefe  practices  are  in  full  force  at  the  prefent  day, 
it  appears  tliat  there  are  four  orders  of  involuntary  flaves 
on  the  African  continent;  of*  convids ; of  prijoners  of 
<war ; of  thofe,  who  are  publickly  feized  by  virtue  of 
the  authority  of  their  prince;  and  of  thofe,  who  are 
privately  ki flapped  by  individuals. 

It  remains  only  to  obferve  on  this  head,  that  in  the 
fale  and  purchafe  of  thefe  the  African  comuierce  or 

Slave 

* In  the  ancient  fervitude,  we  reckoned  convius  among  the  volun- 
t2r,'  Have?,  becanfe  they  had  it  in  their  power,  by  a virtuous  con- 
duct, to  have  avoided  fo  melancholy  a fituation;  in  the  African,  we 
incbide  them  in  the  involuntary,  becaufe,  as  virtues  are  frequently 
confi:rued  into  crimes,  from  the  venal  motives  of  the  tralBck,  no 
perfon  whateVer  poirelTes  fuch  a pover  or  choke. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  47 

Slave  Trade  confifts;  that  they  are  delivered  to  the  mer- 
chants of  Europe  in  exchange  for  their  various  commo- 
dities ; that  thefe  tranfport  them  to  their  colonics  in  the 
weft,  where  their  Jlavery  takes  place;  and  that  a fifth 
order  arifes  there,  compofed  of  all  fuch  as  are  born  to 
the  native  Africans,  after  their  tranfportation  and  flave- 
ry  have  commenced. 

Having  thus  explained  as  much  of  the  hiftory  of 
modern  fervitude,  as  is  fufficient  for  the  profecution  of 
our  defign,  we  fliould  have  clofed  our  account  here, 
but  that  a work,  juft  publiftied,  has  furnifhed  us  v^ith 
a fingular  anecdote  of  the  colonifts  of  a neighbouring 
nation,  which  we  cannot  but  relate.  The  learned  * au- 
thor, having  defcribed  the  method  which  the  Dutch  co- 
lonifts at  the  Cape  make  ufe  of  to  take  the  Hottentots 
and  enflave  them,  takes  occafion,  in  many  fubfequent 
parts  of  the  work,  to  mention  the  dreadful  effeds  of 
the  practice  of  flavery;  which,  as  he  juftly  remarks, 
leads  to  all  manner  of  miidemeanours  and  wicked- 
nefs.  Pregant  women,’’  fays  he,  “ and  children  in 
their  tenderedft  years,  were  not  at  this  time,  neither 
‘‘  indeed  are  they  ever,  exempt  from  the  effeds  of  the 
“ hatred  and  fpirit  of  vengeance  conflantly  harboured 
“ by  the  colonifts,  with  refped  to  the  j Bofhies-man 
“ nation;  excepting  fuch  indeed  as  are  marked  out  to  he 
“ carried  away  into  bondage.** 

“ Does  a colonift  at  any  time  get  fight  of  a Bofhies- 
“ man,  he  takes  fire  immediately,  and  fpirits  up  his 
horfe  and  dogs,  in  order  to  hunt  him  with  more  ar- 
‘‘  dour  and  fury  than  he  would  a wolf,  or  any  other 
“ wnld  heaft?  On  an  open  plain,  a few  colonifts  on 
horfe  back  are  always  fure  to  get  the  better  of  the 
greateft  number  of  Bolhies-men  that  can  be  brought 
'ogether;  as  the  former  always  keep  at  the  diftance 

of 

* Andrew  Sparrman,  M.  D.  profeflbr  of  Phyfick  at  Stockholm, 
rdlow  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences  in  Sweden,  and  infpec’- 
tor  of  its  cabinet  of  natural  hillory,  whofe  voyage  was  tranflated 
into  Englilh,  and  publilbed  in  1785. 

t Bolhies-man,  or  mid  Hottentot, 


48  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce* 

“ of  about  an  hundred,  or  an  hundred  and  fifty  paces 
(juft  as  they  find  it  convenient)  and  charging  their 
“ heavy  fire-arms  with  a very  large  kind  of  (hot,  jump 
off  their  horfes,  and  reft  their  pieces  in  their  ufual 
manner  on  their  ramrods,  in  orders  that  they  may  fhoot 
“ with  the  greater  certainty;  fo  that  the  balls  difcharged 
‘‘  by  them  will  fometimes,  as  I have  been  aflured,  go 
“ through  the  bodies  of  fix,  feven,  or  eight  of  the  ene- 
my  at  a time,  efpecially  as  thefe  latter  know  no  better 

than  to  keep  clofe  together  in  a body.” 

“ And  not  only  is  the  capture  of  the  Hottentots  con- 
fidered  by  them  merely  as  a party  of  pleafure,  but  in 
cold  blood  they  deftroy  the  bands  which  nature  has 
knit  between  their  hufbands,  and  their  wives  and 
children,  &c.” 

With  what  horrour  do  thefe  paflagcs  feem  to  ftrike  us! 
What  indignation  do  they  feem  to  raife  in  our  breafts, 
when  we  refleft,  that  a part  of  the  human  fpecies  are 
confidered  as  game^  and  that  parties  of  pleafure  are  made 
for  their  deflrudion!  The  lion  does  not  imbrue  his  claws 
in  blood,  unlefs  called  upon  by  hunger,  or  provoked 
by  interruption;  whereas  the  mercilefs  Dutch,  more  fa- 
vage  than  the  brutes  themfelves,  not  only  murder  their 
fellow-creatures  without  any  provocation  or  neceflity, 
but  even  make  a diverfion  of  their  fufferings,  and  enjoy 
their  pain. 


End  of  the  Firjl  Part* 


PART 


PART  II. 


T H E 

AFRICAN  COMMERCE, 

O R 

SLAVE  TRADE. 


CHAP.  I. 

As  we  explained  the  Hiftory  of  Slavery  in  the  firft 
part  of  this  Effay,  as  far  as  it  was  iieceflary  for 
our  purpofe,  we  fhall  now  take  the  queftion  into  confi- 
deration,  which  we  propofed  at  firft  as  the  fubjed  of  our 
inquiry,  viz.  how  far  the  commerce  and  flavery  of  the 
human  fpecies,  as  revived  by  fome  of  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope in  the  perfons  of  the  unfortunate  Africans,  and  as 
revived,  in  a great  meafure,  on  the  principles  of  anti- 
quity, are  confiftent  with  the  laws  of  nature,  or  the 
common  notions 'of  equity,  as  eftabliflied  among  men. 

This  queftion  refolves  itfelf  into  two  feparate  parts  for 
difcuftion,  into  the  African  commerce  {^as  explained  in  the 
hiftory  of  flavery ) and  the  fubfequent  flavery  in  the  colo- 
nies^ as  founded  en  the  equity  of  the  commerce.  The  for- 
mer, of  courfe,  will  be  firft  examined.  For  this  pur- 
pofe we  fliall  inquire  into  the  rife,  nature,  and  defign  of 
government.  Such  an  inquiry  will  bq  particularly  ufeful 
in  the  prefent  place ; it  will  afford  us  that  general  know- 
ledge of  fubordination  and  liberty,  which  is  neceffary 
in  the  cafe  before  us,  and  will  be  found,  as  it  were,  a 
fource,  to  which  we  may  frequently  refer  for  many  and 
valuable  arguments. 


G 


It 


50  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

It  appears  that  mankind  were  originally  free,  and  that 
they  poffeffed  an  equal  right  to  the  foil  and  produce  of 
the  earth.  For  proof  of  this,  we  need  only  appeal  to 
the  divine  writings ; to  the  golden  age  of  the  poets,  which, 
like  other  fables  of  the  times,  had  its  origin  in  truth; 
and  to  the  inftitution  of  the  Saturnalia^  and  of  other 
fimilar  feftivals;  all  of  which  are  fo  many  monuments 
of  this  original  equality  of  men.  Hence  then  there  was 
no  rank,  no  diflindion,  no  fuperiour.  Every  man  wan- 
dered where  he  chofe,  changing  his  refidence,  as  a fpot 
attracted  his  fancy,  or  fuited  his  convenience,  uncon- 
trouled  by  his  neighbour,  unconnected  with  any  but  his 
family.  Hence  alfo  (as  every  thing  was  common)  he 
colleded  what  he  chofe,  without  injury,  and  enjoyed 
without  injury  what  he  had  colleded.  Such  was  the 
firft  fituation  of  mankind ; * a ftate  of  dijfociation  and 
independence. 

In  this  diffociated  ftate  it  is  impoflible  that  men  could 
have  long  continued.  The  dangers  to  which  they  muft 
have  frequently  been  expofed,  by  the  attacks  of  fierce 
and  rapacious  beafts,  by  the  prcedatory  attempts  of 
their  own  fpecies,  and  by  the  difputes  of  contiguous 
and  independent  families;  thefe,  together  with  their  in- 
ability to  defend  themfelves,  on  many  fuch  occafions, 
muft  have  incited  them  to  unite.  Flence  then  was  focie- 
iy  formed  on  the  grand  principles  of  prefervation  and  de- 
fence: and  as  thefe  principles  began  to  operate,  in  the 
different  parts  of  the  earth,  where  the  different  families 
had  roamed,  a great  number  of  thefe  focieties  began  to 
be  formed  and  eftab^^hed ; which,  taking  to  themfelves 
particular  names  from  particular  occurrences,  began  to 
be  perfedlly  diftincl  from  one  another. 

As  the  individuals,  of  whom  thefe  focieties  were  com- 
pofed,  had  affociated  only  for  their  defence,  fo  they  ex- 
perienced, at  firft,  no  change  in  their  condition.  They 

were 

This  Goncliifion  concerning  the  diflociated  flate  of  mankind,  is 
confirmed  by  all  the  early  writers,  with  whofe  deferiptions  of  primi- 
tive times  no  other  conclufion  is  reconcilcable. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  51 

were  flill  independent  and  free;  they  were  ftill  without 
difcipline  or  laws;  the  had  every  thing  ftill  in  common; 
they  purfued  the  fame  manner  of  life;  wandering  only,  in 
herds ^ as  the  earth  gave  them  or  refufed  them  fuftenance, 
and  doing,  as  a puhlick  body^  what  they  had  been  accuf- 
tomed  to  do  as  individuals  before.  This  was  the  exadt 
fituation  of  the  * Getse  and  Scythians,  of  the  f Lybians 
and  Goetulians,  of  the  \ Italian  Aborigines,  and  of  the 
(I  Huns  and  Alans.  They  had  left  their  original  ftate  of 
dijjociation^  and  had  ftepped  into  that,  which  has  been 
juft  defcribed.  Thus  was  the  fecond  fituation  of  men  a 
ftate  of  independent  fociety. 

Having  thus  joined  themfelves  together,  and  haring 
formed  themfelves  into  feveral  large  and  diftind  bodies, 
they  could  not  fail  of  fubmitting  foon  to  a more  confide- 
rable  change.  Their  numbers  muft  have  rapidly  increaf- 
ed,  and  their  focieties,  in  proccfs  of  time,  have  become 
fo  populous,  as  frequently  to  have  experienced  the  want 
of  fubfiftence,  and  many  of  the  commotions  and  tumults 
of  inteftine  ftrife.  For  thefe  inconveniences  howxver 
there  were  remedies  to  be  found.  Agriculture  would  fur- 
nifti  them  with  that  fubfiftence  and  fupport,  which  the 
earth,  from  the  rapid  increafe  of  its  inhabitants,  had  be- 
come unable  fpontaneoufly  to 'produce.  An  ajjlgnation 
of  property  would  not  only  enforce  an  application,  but  ex- 
cite an  emulation,  to  labour ; and  government  would  at 
once  afford  a fecurity  to  the  acquifitions  of  the  induftri- 
ous,  and  heal  the  inteftine  diforders  of  the  community, 
by  the  introdudion  of  Laws. 

Such  then  were  the  remedies,  that  were  gradually  ap- 
plied. The  focieties^  which  had  hitherto  feen  their  mem- 
bers, undiftinguiftied  either  by  authority  or  rank,  ad- 
mitted now  of  magiftratical  pre-eminence.  They  were 
divided  into  tribes;  to  every  tribe  was  allotted  a particu- 
laf  diftrid  for  its  fupport,  and  to  every  individual  his 

particular 


* Jiiftin.  L.  2.  C.  2.  t Salluft.  Bell.  Jug. 

t Salluft.  Bell.  Catil. 

il  Ammianus  Marcelliniis.  L.  31.  C.  2.  ct  infeq. 


52  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

particular  fpot.  * The  Germans,  who  confifled  of  many 
and  various  nations,  w^ere  exadlly  in  this  fituation. — 
They  had  advanced  a hep  beyond  the  Scythians,  Goetu- 
lians,  and  thofe,  whom  we  defcribed  before;  and  thus 
was  the  third  fuuation  of  mankind  a hate  of  fubordinate 
Jociety. 

CHAP  II. 

As  we  have  thus  traced  the  fituation  of  man  from  un- 
bounded liberty  to  fubordination,  it  will  be  proper  to 
carry  our  inquiries  farther,  and  to  confider,  who  firft 
obtained  the  pre-eminence  in  thefe  primcBval  focieties^ 
and  by  what  particular  methods  it  was  obtained, 

There  where  only  tw^o  ways,  by  which  fuch  an  event 
could  have  been  produced,  by  compulfion  or  confent,-- 
When  mankind  firft  faw  the  neceflity  of  government,  it 
is  probable  that  many  had  conceived  the  defire  of  rul- 
ing. To  be  placed  in  anew  fituation,  to  be  taken  from 
the  common  herd,  to  be  the  firft,  diftinguiftied  among 
men,  were  thoughts,  that  muft  have  had  their  charms. 
Let  us  fuppofe  then,  that  thefe  thoughts  had  worked  fo 
iinufually  on  the  paffions  of  any  particular  individual, 
as  to  have  driven  him  to  the  extravagant  Jefign  of  ob- 
taining the  pre-eminence  by  force.  How  could  his  de- 
fign  have  been  accomplifiied?  Hov/  could  he  forcibly 
have  ufurped  the  jurifdicLon  at  a time,  when,  all  being 
equally  free,  there  was  not  a fingle  perfon,  wLofe  afiift- 
ance  he  could  command  ? Add  to  this,  that,  in  a ftate 
of  univerfal  liberty,  force  had  been  repaid  by  force,  and 
the  attempt  had  been  fatal  to  the  ufurper. 

As  e?npire  then  could  never  have  been  gained  at  firft 
by  ccmpuJfion^  fo  it  could  only  have  been  obtained  by 
confent ; and  as  men  w^ere  then  going  to  make  an  import- 
ant facrifice,  for  the  fake  of  their  mutual  happinefs,  fo 
he  alone  could  have  obtained  it,  (not  whole  ambitim 

had 

* Agri  pro  Numero  Cultorum  ab  univerHs  per  vicos  occ.upantur, 
quos  mox  inter  fe  fecundum  dignationem  partiimtur.  Tacitns.  C. 
26.  de  Mor.  Germ, 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  53 

had  greatly  diftinguiihed  him  from  the  reft)  but  in 
whofe  wifdom^  jujiice^  prudence^  and  'virtue^  the  whole 
community  could  confide. 

To  confirm  this  reafoning,  we  fhall  appeal,  as  before, 
to  fads ; and  fhall  confult  therefore  the  hiftory  of  thofe 
nations,  which  having  juft  left  their  former  ftate  of  in- 
dependent  fociety^  were  the  very  people  that  eftablifhed 
fubordinaiicn  and  government. 

The  commentaries  of  Caefar  afforded  us  the  following 
accounts  of  the  ancient  Gauls.  When  any  of  their 
kings,  either  by  death,  or  depofition,  made  a vacancy 
in  the  regal  office,  the  whole  nation  was  immediately 
convened  for  the  appointment  of  a fucceflbr.  In  thefe 
national  conventions  were  the  regal  offices  conferred. 
Every  individual  had  a voice  on  the  occafion,  and  eve- 
ry individual  was  free.  The  perfon  upon  whom  the 
general  approbation  appeared  to  fall,  was  immediately 
advanced  to  pre-eminence  in  the  ftate.  He  was  uni- 
formly one,  whofe  adions  had  made  him  eminent  ; whofe 
condud  had  gained  him  previous  applaufe;  whofe  valour 
the  very  aflembly,  that  eleded  him,  had  themfelves  wit- 
iiefl'ed  in  the  field;  whofe  prudence,  wifdom  and  juftice,* 
having  rendered  him  fignally  ferviceable,  had  endeared 
him  to  his  tribe.  For  this  reafon,  their  kingdoms  were 
not  hereditary;  the  fen  did  not  always  inherit  the  virtues 
of  the  fire ; and  they  were  determined  that  he  alone 
fhould  poffefs  authority,  in  whofe  virtues  they  could  con- 
fide. Nor  was  this  ail.  So  fenfible  were  they  of  the  im- 
portant facrifice  they  had  made;  fo  extemely  jealous 
even  of  the  name  of  fuperiority  and  power,  that  they 
limited,  by  a variety  of  law's,  the  authority  of  the  very 
perfon,  whom  they  had  juft  eleded,  from  a confidence 
of  his  integrity;  Ambiorix  himfelf  confeffing,  “ that 
‘‘  his  people  had  as  much  power  over  him,  as  he  could 

poffibly  have  over  his  people.” 

The  fame  cuftom,  as  appears  from  Tacitus,  prevailed 
alfo  among  the  Germans.  They  had  their  national, 
councils,  like  the  Gauls;  in  which  the  regal  and  ducal 
offices  were  confirmed  according  to  the  majority  of 
voices.  They  eleded  alfo,  on  thefe  occafions,  tiiofe  only, 

whom 


54  THE  Slavery  and  Commerce 

whom  their  virtue,  by  repeated  trial,  had  unequivocally 
diftinguiflied  from  the  reft;  and  they  limited  their  au- 
thority fo  far,  as  neither  to  leave  them  the  power  of  in- 
flicting imprifonment  or  ftripes,  nor  of  exercifing  any 
penal  jurifdidion.  But  as  punifliment  was  neceffary  in 
a flate  of  civil  fociety,  ‘‘  it  was  permitted  to  the  priefts 
alone,  that  it  might  appear  to  have  been  inflided,  by 
the  order  of  the  gods,  and  not  by  any  fuperiour  au- 
thority  in  man.” 

The  accounts  which  we  have  thus  given  of  the  anci- 
ent Germans  and  Gauls,  will  be  found  alfo  to  be  equally 
true  of  thofe  people,  which  had  arrived  at  the  fame  flate 
of  fubordinate  fociety.  We  might  appeal,  for  a teflimony 
of  this,  to  the  hiflory  of  the  Goths  ; to  the  hiflory  of 
the  Franks  and  Saxons ; to  the  hiflory  in  fliort,  of  all 
thofe  nations,  from  which  the  different  governments,  now 
ccnfpicuous  in  Europe,  have  undeniably  fprung.  And 
we  might  appeal,  as  a farther  proof,  to  the  Americans, 
who  are  reprelented  by  many  of  the  moderns,  from 
their  own  ocular  teflimony,  as  obferving  the  fame  cuf- 
toms  at  the  prefent  day. 

It  remains  only  to  obferve,  that  as  thefe  cufloms  pre- 
vailed among  the  different  nations  defcibed,  in  their 
early  flate  of  fubordinate  fociety,  and  as  they  were  more- 
over the  cufloms  of  their  refpedive  anceflors,  it  appears 
that  they  mufl  have  been  handed  down,  both  by  tradi- 
tion and  ufe,  from  the  firfl  introdudion  of  govern- 
meni. 


CHAP.  III. 

We  may  now  deduce  thofe  general  maxims  concern- 
ing fubordinatio7i^  and  liberty^  which  we  mentioned  to 
have  been  effentialiy  connedled  with  the  fubjedl,  and 
which  fome,  from  -ipcculation  only,  and  without  any  al- 
lufion  to  facts,  have  been  bold  enough  to  deny. 

It  appears  fuTr,  that  liberty  is  a natural^  and  govern- 
ment an  advetititioiis  right,  becaufe  aU  men  were  origi- 
nally free. 


It 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  55 

Ic  appears  fecondly,  that  government  is  a * co7itrad ; 
becaufe,  in  thefe  primoeval  fubordinate  focieties,  we  have 
feen  it  voluntarily  conferred  on  the  one  hand,  and  ac- 
cepted on  the  other.  We  have  feen  it  fubjed  to  various 
reftridions.  - We  have  feen  its  articles,  which  could 
then  only  be  written  by  tradition  and  ufe,  as  perfe6l  and 
binding  as  thofe,  which  are  now  committed  to  letters. 
We  have  feen  it,  in  fhort,  partaking  of  the  foederal  na- 
ture, as  much  as  it  could  in  a date,  which  wanted  the 
means  of  recording  its  tranfadions. 

It 

* The  author  has  lately  read  a work,  intitled  Paley’s  Moral  and 
Political  Philofophy,  which,  in  this  one  refpeft,  favours  thofe  which 
have  been  hinted  at,  as  it  denies  that  government  was  a contract. 

No  focial  compact  was  ever  made  in  fact,” — “ it  is  to  fuppofe  it 
“ poflible  to  call  favages  out  of  caves  and  deferts,  to  deliberate 
upon  topicks,  which  the  experience  and  ftudies,  and  the  refine- 
ments  of  civil  life  alone  fuggefl:.  Therefore  no  government  In 
the  univerfe  begun  from  this  original.”  But  there  are  no  grounds 
for  fo  abfurd  a fuppofition;  for  government,  and  of  ccurfe  the  fo- 
cial compact,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  introduced  at  the  time, 
when  families  coming  out  of  their  caves  and  deferts,  or,  in  other 
words,  quitting  their  former  dijjociated  Bate,  joined  themfelves  to- 
gether. They  had  lived  a conhderable  time  in  fociet^y  like  the  Ly- 
bians  and  Gcetulians  before-mentioned,  and  had  felt  many  of  the 
difadvantages  of  a want  of  difeipline  and  laws,  before  government 
was  introduced  at  all.  The  author  of  this  ElTay,  before  he  took 
into  confideration  the  origin  of  government,  was  determined,  in  a 
matter  of  fuch  importance,  to  be  biafied  by  no  opinion  whatever, 
and  much  lefs  to  indulge  himfelf  in  fpecuiation.  He  was  determined 
folely  to  adhere  to  fact,  and,  by  looking  into  the  accounts  left  us  of 
thofe  governments  which  were  in  their  infancy,  and,  of  courfe  in 
the  leal!  complicated  ftate,  to  attempt  to  difeover  their  foundation  : 
he  cannot  fay  therefore,  that  upon  a very  minute  perufal  of  the  ex- 
cellent work  before  quoted,  he  has  been  fo  far  convinced,  as  to  re- 
tract in  the  lead  from  his  fenciments  on  this  head,  and  to  give  up 
maxims,  which  are  drawn  from  hiltorical  fafts,  for  thofe,  which  are 
the  refult  of  fpecuiation.  He  may  obferve  here,  that  whether  go- 
vernment was  a contraB  or  not,  it  will  not  afFe6l  the  reafoning  of  the 
prefent  ElTay;  fince  where  ever  the  contraft  is  afterwards  mention- 
ed, it  is  inferred  only  that  its  obje6t  was  “ the  happmefs  of  the  peo- 
ple,'* which  is  confefTcdly  the  end  of  government.  Notwithftand* 
ing  this,  he  is  under  the  necellity  of  inferting  this  little  note,  though 
he  almoft  feels  himfelf  ungrateful  in  contradicting  a work,  which 
has  afforded  him  fo  much  entertainment. 


56  On  the  Slavehy  and  Commerce 

It  appears,  thirdly,  that  the  grand  obje6l  of  the  con- 
irad^  is  the  happinefs  of  the  people;  becaufe  they ’gave 
the  fupremacy  to  him  alone,  who  had  been  confpicuous 
for  the  fplendour  of  his  abilities,  or  the  integrity  of  his 
life : that  the  power  of  the  multitude  being  directed  by 
the  wifdom  and  jujiice  of  the  prince,  they  might  expe- 
rience the  moft  effedual  protection  from  injury,  the 
highell  advantages  of  fociety,  the  greateft  poffible  hap- 
pinefs. 

C H A P.  IV. 

Having  now  collected  the  materials  that  are  neceflary 
for  the  profecutian  of  our  defign,  we  fhall  immediately 
enter  upon  the  difeuffion. 

If  any  man  had  originally  been  endued  with  power, 
as  with  other  faculties,  fo  that  the  relt  of  mankind  had 
difeovered  in  themfelves  an  innate  necejfity  of  obeying 
this  particular  perfon;  it  is  evident  that  he  and  his  de- 
feendants,  from  the  fuperiority  of  their  nature,  would 
have  had  a claim  upon  men  for  obedience,  and  a natural 
right  to  command:  but  as  the  right  to  empire  is  adven- 
titious; as  all  were  originally  free;  as  nature  made  every 
man’s  body  and  mind  his  ov)n;  it  is  evident  that  no  jull 
man  can  be  configned  to  Jlavery^  without  his  own  con- 
fent. 

Neither  can  men,  by  the  fame  principles,  be  confi- 
dered  as  lands,  goods,  or  houfes,  among  poUeJfons.  It 
is  necelTary  that  all  property  Ihould  be  inferiour  to  its 
pofejfor.  But  how  does  the  fuive  differ  from  his  majier^ 
but  by  chance  f For  though  the  mark,  with  which  the 
latter  is  pleafed  to  brand  him,  Ihews,  at  the  firil  fight, 
the  difference  of  their  fortune ; what  mark  can  be  found 
in  his  nature^  that  can  warrant  a diffinclion? 

To  this  confideration  we  fhall  add  the  following,  that 
if  men  can  juflly  become  the  property  of  each  other, 
their  children,  like  the  offspring  of  cattle,  muff  inherit 
their  paternal  lot.  Now,  as  the  aCtions  of  the  father 
and  the  child  muff  be  thus  at  the  foie  difpofal  of  their, 
common  mafter,  it  is  evident,  that  the  authority  of  the 

one, 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  57 

one,  as  a parent^  and  x\\t  duty  of  the  other,  as  a chiid^ 
mull  be  inftantly  annihilated;  rights  and  obligations, 
which,  as  they  are  founded  in  nature,  are  implanted  in 
our  feelings,  and  are  eftabliihed  by  the  voice  of  God, 
muff  contain  in  their  annihilation  a folid  argument  to 
prove,  that  there  cannot  be  any  property  whatever  in 
the  human  fpectes. 

We  may  confider  alfo,  as  a farther  confirmation,  that 
it  is  impoifible,  in  the  nature  of  things,  that  liberty  can 
be  bought  or  fold!  It  is  neither  faleable^  nor  purchajable* 
For  if  any  one  man  can  have  an  abfolute  property  in  the 
liberty  of  another,  or,  in  other  words,  if  he,  who  is 
called  a mafter^  can  have  a juft  right  to  conimand  the 
adions  of  him,  who  is  called  a Jlave^  it  is  evident  that 
the  latter  cannot  be  accountable  for  thofe  crimes,  which 
the  former  may  order  him  to  commit.  Now  as  every 
reafonable  being  is  accountable  for  his  actions,  it  is 
evident,  that  fuch  a right  cannot  jufily  exift,  and  that 
human  liberty,  of  courfe,  is  beyond  the  polTibility  either 
of  fale  or  purcha/e.  Add  to  this,  that,  whenever  you 
fell  the  liberty  of  a man,  you  have  the  power  only  of 
alluding  to  the  body:  the  mind  cannot  be  confined  or 
bound : it  will  be  free,  though  its  manfion  be  befet  with 
chains.  But  if,  in  every  fale  of  the  human  fpecies^  you 
are  under  the  neceffity  of  confidering  your  fiave  in  this 
abflracled  light;  of  alluding  only  to  the  body,  and  of 
making  no  allufion  to  the  mind ; you  are  under  the  ne- 
celTity  alfo  of  treating  him,  in  the  fame  moment,  as  a 
hruie^  and  of  abufing  therefore  that  nature,  which  can- 
not otherwife  be  confidered,  than  in  the  double  capacity 
of  foul  and  body. 

But  foine  perfon,  perhaps,  will  make  an  objeclion  to 
one  of  the  former  arguments.  If  men,  from  the  fu^ 
periority  of  their  nature,  cannot  be  confidered,  like 
“ lands,  goods,  or  houfes,  amon^  poffeflions,  fo  neither 
can  cattle:  for  being  endued  with  life,  motion,  and 

fenfibilicy,  they  are  evidently  fuperiour  to  thefe^’ 

But  this  objeclion  will  receive  its  anfwer  from  thofe  ob- 
fervations  which  have  been  already  made;  and  wdll  dif- 
cover  the  true  reafon,  why  cattle  are  juflly  to  be  efti- 
H mated 


58  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

mated  as  property.  For  firft,  the  right  to  empire  over 
brutes,  is  natural  and  not  adventitious^  like  the  right 
to  empire  over  men.  There  are,  fecondly,  many  and 
evident  figns  of  the  inferiority  of  their  nature;  and 
thirdly,  their  liberty  can  be  bought  and  fold,  becaufe, 
being  void  of  reafon,  they  cannot  be  accountable  for  their 
adions. 

We  might  flop  here  for  a confiderable  time,  and  de- 
duce many  valuable  leffons  from  the  remarks  that  have 
been  made,  but  that  fuch  a circumftance  might  be  con- 
fidered  as  a digreffion.  There  is  one,  however,  which, 
as  it  is  fo  intimately  connefted  w-ith  the  fubjc6l,  we  can- 
not but  deduce.  We  are  taught  to  treat  men  in  a dif- 
ferent manner  from  brutes,  becaufe  they  are  fo  manifeft- 
ly  fuperiour  in  their  nature ; vve  are  taught  to  treat  brutes 
in  a different  manner  from  ffones,  for  the  fame  reafon; 
and  thus,  by  giving  to  every  created  thing  its  due  re- 
fped,  to  anfwer  the  views  of  Providence,  which  did 
not  create  a variety  of  natures  without  a purpofe  or  de- 
fign. 

But  if  thefe  things  are  fo,  how  evidently  againft  rea- 
fon, nature,  and  every  thing  human  and  divine,  muff 
they  ad,  who  not  only  force  men  into  Jlavery^'  againfl 
their  owm  cenfent^  but  treat  them  altogether  as  brutes^ 
and  make  the  natural  liberty  of  man  an  article  of  pub- 
lick  commerce!  and  by  what  arguments  can  they  poffi- 
bly  defend  that  commerce,  which  cannot  be  carried  on, 
in  any  fingle  inftance,  without  a flagrant  violation  of  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  God? 


C II  A P.  V. 

That  we  may  the  more  accurately  examine  the  argu- 
ments that  are  advanced  on  this  occafion,  it  will  be  pro- 
per to  divide  the  commerce  into  two  parts;  firft,  as  it 
relates  to  thofe  who  fell^  and  fecondly,  as  it  relates  to 
thofe  v/ho  -pur chafe ^ the  human  fpecies  into  flavery.  To 
the  former  part  of  which,  having  given  every  previous 
and  neceffary  information  in  the  hiftory  of  fervitude, 
we  Ihall  immediately  proceed. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  59 

Let  us  inquire  firft,  by  what  particular  right  the  Viher- 
ties  of.  the  harmlefs  people  are  invaded  by  the  prince. 
By  the  right  of  empire f it  will  be  anfwered;  “ be- 
“ caufe  he  poffelfes  dominion  and  power  by  their  own 
‘‘  approbation  and  confent.’^  But  fubjefls,  though  un- 
der the  dominion,  are  not  the  property^  of  the  prince. 
They  cannot  be  confidered  as  his  pojjejftons.  Their  na- 
tures are  both  the  fame;  they  are  both  born  in  the  fame 
manner;  are  fubje<^  to  the  fame  diforders;  mull  apply 
to  the  fame  remedies  for  a cure;  are  equally  partakers 
of  the  grave:  an  incidental  diftindlion  accompanies  them 

through  life,  and  this is  all. 

We  may  add  to  this,  that  though  the  prince  poffelfes 
dominion  and  power,  by  the  confent  and  approbation  of 
his  fubjecls,  he  poffelfes  it  only  for  the  moll  falutary 
ends.  He  may  tyrannize,  if  he  can:  he  may  alter  the 
form  of  his  government:  he  cannot,  however,  alter  its 
nature  and  end.  Thefe  will  be  immutably  the  fame, 
though  the  whole  fyflem  of  its  adminiftration  fhould 
be  changed;  and  he  will  be  ftill  bound  to  defend  the 
lives  and  properties  of  his  fubjeds,  and  to  make  them 

Does  he  defend  thofe  therefore,  whom  he  invades  at 
diferetion  with  the  fword?  Does  he  protect  the  property 
of  thofe,  whofe  houfes  and  effects  he  configns  at  difere- 
tion to  the  flames?  Does  he  make  thofe  happy,  whom 
he  feizes,  as  they  are  trying  to  efcape  the  general  devafl- 
ation,  and  compels  with  their  wives  and  families  to  a 
wretched  fer^oitude?  He  acts  furely,  as  if  the  ufe  of  em- 
pire confilled  in  violence  and  oppreffion;  as  if  he,  that 
was  mofl  exalted,  ought,  of  neceffity,  to  be  moff  un- 
juft.  Here  then  the  voice  of  nature  and  juftice  is  againfl 
him.  He  breaks  that  law  of  nature^  which  ordains, 
that  no  juft  man  fliall  be  given  into  flavery,  againft 
his  own  confent  d"*  he  violates  the  firft  \^.sn  oi  juftice^ 
as  eftabliflied  among  men,  ‘‘that.no  perfon  fiiall  do 
“ harm  to  another  without  a previous  and  fufftcient  pro- 
“ n)ocation;”  and  he  violates  alfo  the  facred  condition  of 
empire^  made  with  his  anceftors,  and  neceffarily  urider- 
, flood  in  every  fpecies  of  government,  “ that,  the  power 

“ of 


6o  On  the  Slavery  And  CoiviMERCE 

of  the  multitude  being  given  up  to  the  wifdom  and 
“ juftice  of  the  prince,  they  may  experience,  in  return, 
‘‘  the  mold  effeftual  protection  from  injury,  the  high- 
“ eft  advantages  of  fociety,  the  greater  poffible  happi- 

But  if  kings  then,  to  whom  their  own  people  have 
granted  dominion  and  power,  are  unable  to  invade  the 
liberties  of  their  harmlefs  fubje6ts,  without  the  higheft 
injujiice)  how  can  thofe  private  perfons  be  juflified,  who 
treacheroufly  lie  in  wait  for  their  fellow-creatures,  and 
fell  them  into  flavery?  What  arguments  can  they  poffi- 
bly  bring  in  their  defence  ? What  treaty  of  empire  can 
they  produce,  by  which  their  innocent  victims  ever  re- 
figned  to  them  the  lead:  portion  of  their  liberty  f In  vain 
will  they  plead  the  antiquity  of  the  cuftom;  in  vain  will 
the  honcurable  light,  in  which  piracy  w^as  confidered  in 
the  ages  of  barbarifm,  afford  them  an  excufe.  Impious 
and  abandoned  men!  ye  invade  the  liberties  of  thofe, 
who,  (with  relpecl  to  your  impious  felves)  are  in  a ftate 
of  nature^  in  a ftate  of  original  dijjociaiion^  perfectly  in- 
dependent^  perfedly  free. 

It  appears  then,  that  the  two  orders  of  flaves,  which 
have  been  mentioned  in  the  hiftory  of  the  African  fer- 
vitude,  of  thofe  wlio  are  publickly  feized  by  virtue  of 
the  authority  of  their  prince;  and  of  thofe,  who  are 
privately  kidnapped  by  individuals,’’  are  colleded  by 
means  of  violence  and  opprellion ; by  means,  repugnant 
to  nature^  the  principles  of  government^  and  the  common 
notions  of  equity^  as  eftablilhed  among  men. 

C H A P.  VI. 

We  come  now  to  the  third  order  of  involuntary  Haves, 
to  convi6ls.”  The  only  argument  that  the  fellers  ad- 
vance here,  is  this,  that  they  have  been  found  guilty 
of  offences,  and  that  the  punifhinent  is  juft.”  But 
before  the  equity  of  the  fentence  can  be  allowed,  two 
qiieftions  muft  be  decided,  whether  the  punifhinent  is 
proportioned  to  the  offence,  and  what  is  its  particular  ob-r 
jcct  and  endf 


<k 


To 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  6r 

To  decide  the  firil,  we  may  previoufly  obferve,  that 
the*  African  fervitude  comprehends  baniJJment^  a depri- 
vation of  liberty^  and  many  corporal  fufferings. 

On  banijhment^  the  following  obfervations  will  fuffice. 
Mankind  have- their  .attachments.  They  have  a 
particular  regard  for  the  fpot,  in  which  they  were  born 
and  nurtured.  Here  it  was,  that  they  firfl  drew  their 
infant-breath:  here,  that  they  were  cheriflied  and  fup- 
ported:  here,  that  they  palfed  thofe  fcenes  of  childhood, 
which,  free  from  care  and  anxiety,  are  the  happidtTn 
the  life  of  man;  fcenes,  which  accompany  them  through 
life;  which  throw  themfelves  frequently  into  their 
thoughts,  and  produce  the  mofl  agreeable  fenfations. 
Thefe  then  are  weighty  confiderations ; and  how  great 
this  regard  is,  may  be  evidenced  from  our  own  feelings  ; 
from  the  teflimony  of  fome,  who  when  remote  from 
their  country,  and  in  the  hour  of  danger  and  diftrefs, 
have  found  their  thoughts  unufually  di reded,  by  fome 
impuife  or  other,  to  their  native  fpot;  and  from  the  ex- 
ample of  others,  who,  having  braved  the  (forms  and  ad- 
verfities  of  life,  either  repair  to  it  for  the  remainder  of 
their  days,  or  defire  even  to  be  conveyed  to  it,  when 
exiflence  is  no  more. 

But  feparately  from  thefe  their  local,  they  have  alfo 
their  perfonal  attachments;  their  regard  for  particular 
men.  There  are  ties  of  blood;  there  are  ties  of  friend- 
fliip.  In  the  former  cafe,  they  muff  of  neceflity  be  at- 
tached: the  conffirution  of  their  nature  demands  it.  In 
the  latter,  it  is  impofTible  to  be  otherwife;  fince  friend- 
fliip  is  founded  on  an  harmony  of  temper,  on  a concord- 
ance of  fentiments  and  manners,  on  habits  of  confi- 
dence, and  a mutual  exchange  of  favours.  v 

We  may  now  mention,  as  perfedly  diflind  both  from 
their  local  and  perfonal,  the  national  attachments  of  man- 
kind, their  regard  for  the  whole  body  of  the  people, 
among  whom  they  were  born  and  educated.  This  re- 
gard is  particularly  confpicuous  in  the  condud  of  fuch, 
as,  being  thus  nationally  conneded,  refide  in  foreign 
parts.  How  anxioufly  do  they  meet  together!  how  much 
do  they  enjoy  the  fight  of  others  of  their  countrymen, 

whom 


62  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

whom  fortune  places  in  their  way!  what  an  eagernefs  do 
they  (hew  to  ferve  them,  though  not  born  on  the  lame 
particular  fpot,  though  not  connnedted  by  confanguinity 
or  friendfiiip,  though  unknown  to  them  before!  Neither 
is  this  affedion  wonderful,  fince  they  are  creatures  of 
the  fame  education;  of  the  fame  principles;  of  the  fame 
manners  and  habits;  calf,  as  it  were,  in  the  fame  mould; 
and  marked  with  the  fame  impreflion. 

If  men  therefore  are  thus  feparately  attached  to  the 
feveral  objefts  defcribed,  it  is  evident  that  a feparate  ex- 
clufion  from  either  mull  afford  them  confiderable  pain. 
What  then  muff  be  their  fufferings,  to  be  forced  for  ever 
from  their  country,  which  includes  them  all?  Which 
contains  the  fpot^  in  which  they  were  born  and  nur- 
tured; which  contains  their  relations  and  friends'^  which 
contains  the  whole  body  of  the  people^  among  whom 
they  were  bred  and  educated.  In  thefe  fufferings,  which 
arife  to  men,  both  in  bidding,  and  in  having  bid,  adieu 
to  all  that  they  efteem  as  dear  and  valuable,  banijhment 
connfls  in  part;  and  we  may  agree  therefore  with  the 
ancients,  without  adding  other  melancholy  circumftances 
to  the  account,  that  it  is  no  inconfiderable  punifhment 
of  itfelf. 

With  refpeCt  to  the  lofs  of  liberty^  which  is  the  fecond 
confideration  in  the  punifhment,  it  is  evident  that  men 
bear  nothing  worfe ; that  there  is  nothing,  that  they  lay 
more  at  heart;  and  that  they  have  fliewn,  by  many  and 
memorable  iniiances,  that  even  death  is  to  be  preferred. 
How’  many  could  he  named  here,  who,  having  fuffered 
the  lofs  of  liberty^  have  put  a period  to  their  exifiience! 
How  many,  that  have  willingly  undergone  the  hazard 
of  their  lives  to  deftroy  a tyrant!  How  many,  that  have 
even  gloried  to  perilli  in  the  attempt!  How  many  bloody 
and  publick  wars  have  been  undertaken  (not  to  mention 
the  numerous  Jervlle  infurreefions,  v/ith  which  hiflory  is 
ftained)  for  the  caufe  of  freedom! 

But  if  nothing  is  dearer  than  liberty  to  men,  with 
wliich,  the  barren  rock  is  able  to  afford  its  joys,  and 
without  which,  the  glorious  fun  fliines  upon  them  but  in 
vain,  and  all  the  fvveets  arid  delicacies  of  life  are  tafle- 

lefs 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  63 

iefs  and  unenjoyed ; what  punifhment  can  be  more  fevere 
than  the  lofs  of  fo  great  a bleffing  ? But  if  to  this  depri^ 
vation  of  liberty^  we  add  the  agonizing  pangs  of  banijh- 
merit ; and  if  to  the  complicated  flings  of  both,  we  add 
the  inceflant  Jlripes^  wounds^  and  miferies^  which  are  un- 
dergone by  thofe,  who  are  fold  into  this  horrid  fervitude\ 
what  crime  can  we  poflibly  imagine  to  be  fo  enormous, 
as  to  be  worthy  of  fo  great  a punifhment? 

How  contrary  then  to  reafon,  juflice,  and  nature, 
mufl  thofe  adl,  who  apply  this,  the  feverefl  of  human 
punifhments,  to  the  mofl  infignificant  offence!  yet  fuch 
is  the  cuflom  with  the  Africans:  for,  from  the  time,  in 
which  the  Europeans  firfl  intoxicated  the  African  princes 
with  their  foreign  draughts,  no  crime  has  been  com- 
mitted, no  fhadow  of  a crime  devifed,  that  has  not  im- 
mediately been  punifhed  with  ferviiude. 

But  for  what  purpofe  is  the  punifhmebt  applied?  Is  it 
applied  to  amend  the  manners  of  the  criminal,’ and  thus 
I render  him  a better  fubj eel  ? No,  for  if  you  banifh  him, 
he  can  no  longer  be  a fubje^l,  and  you  can  no  longer 
therefore  be  folicitous  for  his  morals.  Add  to  this,  that 
if  you  banifli  him  to  a place,  where  he  is  to  experience 
the  hardfhips  of  want  and  hunger  (fo  powerfully  does 

I humrer  compel  men  to  the  perpetration  of  crimes)  you 
f force  him  rather  to  corrupt,  than  amend  his  manners, 

and  ro  be  wicked,  when  he  might  otherwife  be  jufl. 

Is  it  applied  then,  that  others  may  be  deterred  from 
the  fame  proceedings,  and  that  crimes  may  become  lefs 
frequent?  No,  but  that  avarice  may  be  gratified;  that 
the  prince  may  experience  the  emoluments  of  the  falc: 

II  for,  horrid  and  melancholy  thought!  the  more  crimen 
|l  li’s  fubjeds  commit,  the  richer  is  he  made;  the  more 

abandoned  the  fubjedl,  tlie  happier  is  the  prince! 

Neither  can  we  allow  that  the  punifhment  thus  applied, 
tends  in  any  degree  to  anfwer  the  publick  happinefs\  for 
if  men  can  be  Sentenced  to  flavery,  right  or  wrong ; if 
fhadows  can  be  turned  into  fubflances,  and  virtues  into 
crimes ; it  is  evident  that  none  can  be  happy,  becaufe 
none  can  be  fccure. 

But 


64  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

But  If  the  punifliment  is  infinitely  greater  than  the  of- 
fence, (which  has  been  fhewn  before)  and  if  it  is  in- 
flicted, neither  to  amend  the  criminal,  nor  to  deter 
others  from  the  fame  proceedings,  nor  to  advance,  in 
any  degree,  the  happinefs  of  the  publick,  it  is  fcarce  ne- 
ceflary  to  obferve,  tiiat  it  is  totally  unjuft,  fince  it  is  re- 
pugnant to  7‘eafon^  the  didates  of  nature^  and  the  very 
principles  of  government. 


CHAP.  VIL 

We  come  now  to  the  fourth  and  laft  order  of  flaves, 
to  prifoners  of  war.  As  the  fellers  lay  a particular  ftrefs 
on  this  order  of  men,  and  infer  much,  from  its  antiquity y 
in  fupport  of  the  juftice  of  their  caufe,  we  fliall  examine 
the  principle,  on  which  it  fubfifted  among  the  ancients. 
But  as  this  principle  was  the  fame  among  all  nations, 
and  as  a citation  from  many  of  their  hiftories  would  not 
be  lefs  tedious  than  unneceflary,  we  fliall  feled  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Romans  for  the  confideration  of  the  cafe. 

The  law,  by  which  prifoners  of  war  were  faid  to  be 
fentenced  to  fervitude,  was  the  * law  of  nations.  It  was 
fo  called  from  the  univerfal  concurrence  of  nations  in  the 
cuftom.  It  had  tw'o  points  in  view,  the  perfons  of  the 
capturedy  and  their  effeds ; both  of  which  it  immediate- 
ly fentenced,  wdthouc  any  of  the  ufual  forms  of  law,  to 
be  the  property  of  the  eaptors. 

The  principle,  on  which  the  law  w^as  eftabliflied,  was 
the  right  of  capture.  When  any  of  the  contending  par- 
ties had  overcome  their  opponents,  and  were  about  to 
deftroy  them,  the  right  was  confidered  to  commence; 
a right,  which  the  vidors  conceived  themfelves  to  have, 
to  recall  their  fwords,  and,  from  the  confideration  of 
having  faved  the  lives  of  the  vanquiflied,  when  they 
could  have  taken  them  by  the  laws  of  war,  to  commute 

blood 

Jure  Gentium  fervi  noftri  funt,  qui  ab  hoflibus  capiumur.  Jiifti- 
nian,  L.  i.  5.  5.  i. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  65 

blood  for  fervice.  Hence  the  Roman  lawyer,  Pomponius, 
deduces  the  etymology  of  Jlave  in  the  Roman  language. 
* ‘^'They  were  called  fervi^  fays  he,  from  the  follow- 
ing  circumhance.  It  was  ufual  with  our  command- 
ers  to  take  them  prifoners,  and  fell  them:  now  this 
circumflance  implies,^ that  they  muft  have  been  pre- 
vioufly  prefervedy  and  hence  the  name.^*  Such  then 
was  the  right  of  capture.  It  was  a right,  which  the  circuni- 
flance  of  takingthc  vanquifhed,  that  is,  ol preferring  them 
alive,  gave  the  conquerors  to  their  perfons.  By  this 
right,  as  always  including  the  idea  of  a previous  prefer- 
vation  from  death,  f the  vanqujflied  were  laid  to  be  jlaves\ 
and,  ‘‘  as  all  flaves,’^  fays  Juflinian,  are  themfelves 
in  the  power  of  others,  and  of  courfe  can  have  no- 
thing  of  their  own,  fo  their  effeds  follow’ed  the  con- 
dition  of  their  perfons,  and  became  the  property  of 
the  captors.” 

To  examine  this  right,  by  which  the  vanquifhed  were 
faid  to  be  Haves,  we  fhall  ufe  the  words  of  a celebrated 
Roman  author,  and  apply  them  to  the  prefent  cafe.  I 
If  it  is  lawful,”  fays  he,  to  deprive  a man  of  his 
life,  it  is  certainly  not  inconfiftent  with  nature  to  rob 
“ him;”  to  rob  him  of  his  liberty.  We  admit  the  con- 
clufion  to  be  juft,  if  the  fuppofttion  be  the  fame : we  allow, 

' if  men  have  a right  to  commit  that,  which  is  confidered  as 
I a greater  crime,  that  they  have  a right,  at  the  fame  inftant, 
to  commit  that,  which  is  confidered  as  a lefs.  But  what 
fliall  we  fay  to  the  hypothefisf  We  deny  it  to  be  true.  The 
voice  of  nature  is  againft  it.  It  is  not  lawful  to  kill,  but  on 
necejfity.  Had  there  been  a neceflity,  w'here  had  the 
wretched  captive  furvived  to  be  broken  wdth  chains  and 
fervitude?  The  very  act  of  faving  his  life  is  an  argument 
to  prove,  that  no  fuch  neceflity  exifted.  The  conclufion 

I is 

Servorum  appcilatio  ex  eo  fluxit,  quod  imperatores  noftri  captivo's 
vendere,  ac  per  hoc.fervare,  nec  occidere  folent. 

t Nam  five  vifcoribus  jure  captivitatis  ferviffent,  &c.  Juflin,  L.  4. 
3.  ct  pafTiin  apiid  fcriptores  antiquos. 

f Nequc  eft  contra  naturam  fpoliare  eum,  ft  poftis,  quern  honc- 
ftuin  eft  necare.  Cicero  de  offidis.  L.  3.  6. 


66  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

is  therefore  falfc.  The  captors  had  no  right  to  the  lives 
of  the  captured,  and  of'  courle  none  to  their  liberty: 
they  had  no  right  to  their  bloody  and  of  courle  none  to 
their  fervice.  Their  right  therefore  had  no  foundation 
in  juflice.  It  was  founded  on  a principle,  contrary  to 
the  law  of  nature,  and  of  courfe  contrary  to  that  law, 
which  people,  under  different  governments,  are  bound 
to  obferve  to  one  another. 

It  is  fcarce  neceffary  to  obferve,  as  a farther  teftimony 
of  the  injullice  of  the  meafure,  that  the  Europeans,  af- 
ter the  introdudion  of  Chrillianity,  exploded  this  prin- 
ciple of  the  ancients,  as  frivolous  and  falfe;  that  they 
fpared  the  lives  of  the  vanquifhed,  not  from  the  fordid 
motives  of  avarice^  but  from  a confcientioufnefs,  that 
homicide  could  only  be  juflified  by  necejj%ty\  that  they 
introduced  an  exchange  .oi  prifoners,  and,  by  many  and 
wife  regulations,  deprived  war  of  many  of  its  former 
horrours. 

But  the  advocates  for  flavery,  unable  to  defend  them- 
felves  again  ft  thefe  arguments,  have  fled  to  other  re- 
fources,  and,  ignorant  of  hiftory,  have  denied  that  the 
right  of  capture  was  the  true  principle,  on  which  flavery 
fubfifted  among  the  ancients.  ‘ They  reafon  thus.  “ The 
learned  Grotius,  and  others,  have  confidered  flavery  as 
the  juft  confequehce  of  a private  war,  (fuppofing  the 
war  to  be  juft  and  the  opponents  in  a ftate  of  nature,) 
upon  the  principles  of  reparation  and  punifhment.  Now 
as  the  law  of  nature,  which  is  the  rule  of  condud  to 
individuals  in  fuch  a fituation,  is  applicable  to  members 
of  a different  community,  there  is  reafon  to  prelume, 
that  thefe  principles  were  applied  by  the  ancients  to  their 
prifoners  of  war ; that  their  effeds  were  confifcatecf  by 
the  right  of  reparation^  and  their  perfons  by  the  right  of 
pU7iijhment'^ 

But  fuch  a prefumption  is  falfe.  The  right  of  capture 
was  the  only  argument,  that  the  ancients  adduced  in 
their  defence.  Hence  Polybius;  What-muft  they, 

(the  Mantinenfes)  fuller,  to.  receive  the  punifhment 

they  deferve?  Perhaps  it  wdll  be  faid,  that  they  mufi 
“ be  fold^  when  they  are  taken ^ with  their  wives  and 

children 


OF  TPiE  Human  Species.  67 

children  into  Jlavery : But  this  is  not  to  be  confidered 
as  a punifliment,  fince  even  thofe  fufFer  it,  by  the  laws 
of  war,  who  have  done  nothing  that  is  bafe.’^  The 
truth  is,  that  both  the  offending  and  the  offended  parties, 
whenever  they  were  victorious,  infliCled  llavery  alike. 
But  if  the  offrending  party  infliCled  flavery  on  the  perfons 
of  the  vanqifhed,  by  what  right  did  they  inflict  it?  It 
mufl:  be  anfwered  from  the  prefumption  before- menti- 
oned, by  the  right  of’  reparation^  or  of  puniffment  d* 
an  anfwer  plainly  abfurd  and  contradictory,  as  it  fuppofes 
the  nggrejfor  to  have  a rights  which  the  injured  only  could 
poflfels. 

Neither  is  the  argument  lefs  fallacious  than  the  pre- 
fumption, in  applying  thefe  principles,  which  in  a 
war  could  belong  to  the  publick  only,  to  the  perfons  of 
the  individuals  that  were  taken.  This  calls  us  again  to 
the  hiftory  of  the  ancients,  and,  as  the  rights  of  repa- 
ration and  punifliment  could  extend  to  thofe  only,  who 
had  been  injured,  to  feleCl  a particular  inftance  for  the 
confideration  of  the  cafe. 

As  the  Romans  had  been  injured  w’ithout  a previous 
provocation  by  the  conduCl  pf  Hannibal  at  Saguntum, 
we  may  take  the  treaty  into  confideration,  which  they 
made  with  the  Carthaginians,  when  the  latter,  defeated 
at  Zama,  fued  for  peace.  It  confifted  of  three  articles. 
* By  the  firit,  the  Carthaginians  were  to  be  free,  and  to 
enjoy  their  own  conftitution  and  laws.  By  the  fecond, 
they  were  to  pay  a confiderable  fum  of  money,  as  a 
reparation  for  the  damages  and  expence  of  the  war:  and, 
by  the  third,  they  were  to  deliver  up  their  elephants  and 
fliips  of  war,  and  to  be  fubjeCl  to  various  reftriCfions,  as 
a punifliment.  With  thefe  terms  they  complied,  and  the 
war  was  hnilhed. 

Thus 


* I.  Uc  liberi  fuis  legibus  viverent.  Livy,  L.  30.  37. 

2.  Decern  millia  talentLim  argenti  ciefcripta  penfionibus  ccquis  in 
annos  quinquaginta  folverent.  Ibid. 

3.  Ec  naves  rofiratas,  pragter  decern  triremes,  traderent,  elephan- 
tofque,  quos  haberent  domicos ; neque  domarent  alios : Bellum  neve 
in  Africa,  neve  extra  Africain,  injului  F.  R.  gererent,  &c.  Ibid. 


63  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

Thus  then  did  the  Romans  make  that  diftin6lion  be- 
tween private  and  publick  war,  which  was  neceflary  to 
be  made,  and  which  the  argument  is  fallacious  in  not 
fuppoiing.  The  treafury  of  the  vanquiflied  was  marked 
as  the  means  of  reparation^  and  as  this  treafury  was  fup- 
plied,  in  a great  meafure,  by  the  impofition  of  taxes, 
and  was,  wholly,  the  property  of  the  publick^  fo  xht publick 
made  the  reparation  that  was  due.  The  elephants  alfo,  and 
Jhips  of  war^  which  were  marked  as  the  means  of  punijh- 
ment^  yNtxt  publick  property ; and  as  they  were  confiderable 
inflruments  of  fecurity  and  defence  to  their  pofleflbrs, 
and  of  annoyance  to  an  enemy,  fo  their  lofs,  added  to 
the  reftricfions  of  the  treaty,  operated  as  a great  and 
publick  punifliment.  But  with  refpeft  to  the  Carthagini- 
an prifoners,  who  had  been  taken  in  the  war,  they  were 
retained  in  fervitude:  not  upon  the  principles  of  repara- 
tion and  punijhment^  becaufe  the  Romans  had  already  re- 
ceived, by  their  own  confeffion  in  the  treaty,  a fufficient 
fatisfaclion  : not  upon  thefe  principles,  becaufe  they  were 
inapplicable  to  individuals:  the  legionary  foldier  in  the 
fervice  of  the  iujured,  who  took  his  prifoner,  was  not 
the  perfon,  to  whom  the  injury  had  been  done^  any  more 
than  the  foldier  in  the  fervice  of  the  aggreffors,  who 
was  taken,  w^as  the  perfon,  who  had  committed  the  of- 
fence: but  they  w^ere  retained  in  fervitude  by  the  right  of 
capture \ becaufe,  when  both  parties  had  fent  their  mili- 
tary into  the  field  to  determine  the  difpute,  it  w^as  at  the 
private  choice  of  the  legionary  foldier  before-mentioned, 
whether  he  would  fpare  the  life  of  his  conquered  oppo- 
nent, w'ben  he  was  thought  to  be  entitled  to  take  it,  if 
he  had  chofen,  by  the  laws  of  war. 

To  produce  more  inftances,  as  an  illuftration  of  the 
fubjedl,  or  to  go  farther  into  the  argument,  would  be 
to  trefpafs  upon  the  patience,  as  well  as  underflandi ng 
of  the  reader.  In  a fate  of  nature^  where  a man  is 
fuppofed  to  commit  an  injury,  and  to  be  unconneded 
with  the  reft  of  the  world,  the  ad:  is  private^  and  the 
right,  which  the  injured  acquires,  can  extend  only  to 
himfelf:  but  in  a fate  of  fociety^  where  any  member  or 
members  of  a particular  community  give  offence  to  thofe 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  69 

ot  another,  and  they  are  patronized  by  the  hate,  to 
which  they  belong,  the  cafe  is  altered;  the  acl  becomes 
immediately  piblick^  and  the  publick  alone  are  to  expe- 
rience the  confequences  of  their  injuftice.  For  as  no 
particular  member  of  the  community,  if  confidered  as 
an  individual,  is  guilty,  except  the  perfon,  by  whom  the 
injury  was  done,  it  would  be  contrary  to  reafon  and 
judice,  to  apply  the  principles  of  reparation  and  punijh- 
ment^  which  belong  to  the  people  as  a colledive  body, 
to  any  individual  of  the  community,  who  Ihould  happen 
to  be  taken.  Now,  as  the  principles  of  reparation  and 
punijhment  are  thus  inapplicable  to  the  prifoners,  taken 
in  a publick  war,  and  as  the  right  of  capture^  as  we  have 
fliewn  before,  is  infufficient  to  intitle  the  victors  to  the 
fervice  of  the  vanquilhed,  it  is  evident  that  Jlavery  can- 
not judly  exift  at  all,  fince  there  are  no  other  maxims, 
on  which  it  can  be  founded,  even  in  the  mod  equitable 
wars. 

But  if  thefe  things  are  fo;  if  davery  cannot  be  de- 
fended even  in  the  mod  equitable  wars,  what  arguments 
will  not  be  found  againlt  that  fervitude,  which  arifes 
from  thofe,  that  are  unjujif  Which  arifes  from  thofe 
African  wars,  that  relate  to  the  prefent  fubjedl?  The 
African  princes,  corrupted  by  the  merchants  of  Europe, 
feek  every  opportunity  of  quarrelling  with  one  another. 
Every  fpark  is  blown  into  a dame;  and  war  is  under- 
taken from  no  other  confideration,  than  that  of  procuring 
[laves:  while  the  Europeans,  on  the  other  hand,  happy 
in  the  quarrels  which  they  have  thus  excited,  fupply 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition  for  the  accomplifhment 
of  their  horrid  purpofe.  Thus  has  Africa,  for  the  fpace 
of  two  hundred  years,  been  the  feene  of  the  mod  ini- 
quitous and  bloody  wars;  and  ttius  have  many  thoufands 
of  men,  in  the  mod  iniquitous  manner,  been  fent  into 
fervitude. 


C H A P. 


7° 


On  the  Slavery  and  ComiMErce 


C H a'  P.  VIII. 

We  fliall  beg  leave,  before  we  proceed  to  the  argu- 
ments of  the  purchafers,'  to  add  the  following  obfervati- 
ons  to  the  fubftance  of  the  three  preceding  chapters. 

As  the  two  orders  of ' men,  of  thofe  who  are  privately 
kidnapped  by  individuals,  and  of  thofe  who  are  pub- 
lickly  feized  by  virtue  of  the  authority  of  their  prince, 
compofe  together,  at  leaft,  * nine  tenths  of  the  African 
{laves,  they  cannot  contain,  upon  a moderate  computa- 
tion, lefs  than  ninety  thoufand  men  annually  tranfport- 
ed:  an  immenfe  number,  but  eafily  to  be  credited,  when 
we  redecl  that  thoufands  are  employed  for  the  purpofe 
of  flealing  the  unwary,  and  that  thefe  diabolical  prac- 
tices are  in  force,  fo  far  has  European  injujlice  been 
fpread,  at  the  diflance  of  a thoufand  miles  from  the  fac- 
tories 

* The  total  annual,  exportation  from  Africa,  is  eflimated  here  at 
100,000  men,  two  thirds  of  whom  are  exported  by  the  Britiili  mer- 
chants alone.  This  cdimate  is  lefs  than  that  which  is  iifually  made, 
and  has  been  publiilied.  The  author  has  been  informed  by  difintereded 
people,  who  were  in  mod  of  the  Wed  India  idands  during  the  late 
war,  and  who  converfed  with  many  of  the  mod  intelligent  of  the 
negroes,  for  the  purpofe  of  inquiring  by  what  methods  they  had  ori- 
ginally been  reduced  to  davcry,  - that  they  did  not  find  even  two  in 
twenty,  who  had  been  reduced  to  that  fituation,  by  any  other  means 
than  thofe  mentioned  above.  The  author,  defirous  of  a farther 
confirmation  of  this  circumdance,  dopped  the  prefs  till  he  had  writ- 
ten to  another  friend,  who  had  refided  twenty  years  in  the  Wed-In- 
dies, and  whofe  opinion  he  had  not  yet  adced.  The  following  is 
an  extracl.from  the  anfwer.  “ I do  not  among  many  hundreds  re- 
‘‘  collcft  to  have  feen  but  one  or  two  daves,  of  thofe  imported 
“ from  Africa,  who  had  any  fears  to  drew,  that  they  had  been  in 
war.  They  are  generally  fuch  as  are  kidnapped,  or  fold  by  their 
“ tyrants,  after  the  d.edruflion  of  a village.  In  lliort,  I am  firmly 
“ of  opinion,  that  crimes  and  war  together  do  not  furniili  one  dave 
in  an  hundred  of  the  numbers  introduced  into  the  European  colo- 
‘‘  nies.  Of  confequence  the  trade  itfelf,  were  it  podible  to  I'up- 
pofe  convidfs  or  prifonsrs  of  war  to  be  judly  fentenced  to  fervi- 
tilde,  is  accountable  for  ninety-nine  in  every  hundred  daves  whom 
“ it  fupplies.  It  is  an  infult  to  the  publick,  to  attempt  to  palliate 
the  mstnod  of  procuring  them.” 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  71 

tones  on  the  coaft.  [lave  merchants^  among  whom 

a quantity  of  European  goods  is  previcufly  divided,  tra- 
' vel  into  the  heart  of  the  country  to  this  amazing  diftance. 
Some  of  them  attend  the  various  ^markets,  that  are  efta- 
blilhed  through  fo  large  an  extent  of  territory,  to  pur- 
chafe  the  kidnapped  people,  whom  the  Jlave-hunters  are 
continually  bringing  in;  while  the  reft,  fubdividing  their 
merchandize  among  the  petty  fovereigns  with  whom 
they  deal,  receive,  by  an  immediate  exertion  of  fraud 
and  violence,  the  ftipulated  number. 

Now,  will  any  man  aftert,  in  oppofition  to  the  argu- 
ments before  advanced,  that  out  of  this  iinmenfe  body 
of  men,  thus  annually  colle6fed  and  tranfported,  there 
is  even  one^  over  whom  the  original  or  fublequent  feller 
can  have  any  power  or  right?  Whoever  aflercs  this,  in 
the  firft  inftance,  muft  contradict  his  own  feelings,  and 
muft  confider  himfelf  as  a juft  objeCl  of  prey,  whenever 
any  daring  invader  fliall  think  it  proper  to  attack  him. 
And,  in  the  fecond  inftance,  the  very  idea  which  the 
African  princes  entertain  of  their  villages,  as  parks  or 
refervoirs^  flocked  only  for  their  own  convenience,  and 
of  their  fubjecls,  as  wild  beajis^  whom  they  may  purfue 
and  take  at  pleafure,  is  fo  fliocking,  that  it  need  only 
be  mentioned,  to  be  inftantly  reprobated  by  the  rea- 
der. 

The  order  of  flaves,  which  is  next  to  the  former  in 
refpecl  to  the  number  of  people  w^hom  it  contains,  is 
that  of  prifoners  of  war.  This  order,  if  the  former 
ftatement  be  true,  is  more  ihconfiderable  than  is  gene- 
rally imagined;  but  w'hoever  reflecls  on  the  prodigious 
Daughter  that  is  conilantly  made  in  every  African  fi^ir- 
mifn,  cannot  be  otherwife  than  of  this  opinion;  he  will 
find,  that  where  ten  are  taken,  he  has  every  reafon  to 
prefume  that  an  hundred  perifh.  In  forne  of  thefe  fkir- 
mifiies,  though  they  have  been  begun  for  the  exprefs  pur- 
pofe  of  procuring  flaves^  the  conquerors  have  fuffered 
but  few  of  the  vanquifhed  to  efcape  the  fury  of  the  fword ; 
and  there  have  not  been  wanting  inftances,  where  they 
have  been  fo  incenfed  at  the  refiftance  they  have  found, 
that  their  fpirit  of  vengeance  has  entirely  got  the  better 


7 2 On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

of  their  avarice,  and  they  have  murdered,  in  cool  blood, 
every  individual,  without  diferimination,  either  of  age 
or  fex. 

* The  following  is  an  account  of  one  of  thefe  fkir- 
milhes,  as  deferibed  by  a perfon,  who  \^as  witnefs  to  the 
feene.  I was  fent,  with  leveral  others,  in  a fmall 

floop  up  the  river  Niger,  to  purchafe  flaves : we  had 
fome  free  negroes  with  us  in  the  pradice;  and  as  the 
‘‘  veffels  are  liable  to  frequent  attacks  from  the  negroes 
on  one  fide  of  the  river,  or  Moors  on  the  other,  they 
are  all  armed.  As  we  rode  at  anchor  a long  way  up 
‘‘  the  river,  we  obferved  a large  number  of  negroes  in 
huts  by  the  river’s  fide,  and  for  our  own  fafety  kept 
a wary  eye  on  them.  Early  next  morning  we  faw 
from  our  maft-head  a numerous  body  approaching, 
with  apparently  but  little  order,  but  in  clofe  array. 
They  approached  very  fall,  and  fell  furioully  on  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  who  feemed  to  be  quite 
furprizedy  but  neverthelefs,  as  foon  as  they  could  get 
together,  fought  ftoutly.  They  had  fome  fire-arms, 
but  made  very  little  ufe  of  them,  as  they  came  directly 
to  clofe  fighting  with  their  fpears,  lances,  and  fabres. 
‘‘  Many  of  the  invaders  were  mounted  on  fmall  horfes; 

and  both  parties  fought  for  about  half  an  hour  with 
‘‘  the  fiercefl  animofity,  exerting  much  more  courage 
and  perfeverance  than  I had  ever  before  been  witnefs 
“ to  amongfl  them.  The  women  and  children  of  the 
town  cluftered  together  to  the  water’s  edge,  running 
flirieking  up  and  down  with  terrour,  waiting  the  event 

“ of 

* The  writer  of  the  letter  of  which  this  is  a faithful  cxtra6l,  and 
who  was  known  to  the  author  of  the  prefent  EiTay,  was  a long  time 
on  the  African  coafl.  Fie  had  once  the  misfortune  to  be  lliipwrecked 
there,  and  to  be  taken  by  the  natives,  who  conveyed  him  and  Jiis 
companions  a confiderable  w^ay  up  into  the  country.  The  hardlliips 
which  he  underwent  in  the  march,  his  treatment  during  his  captivity, 
the  fcencs  to  which  he  was  witnefs,  while  he  refided  among  the  in- 
land Africans,  as  well  as  while  in  the  African  trade,  gave  occafion 
to  a feries  of  very  interefting  letters.  Thefe  letters  were  fent  to  the 
author  of  the  prefent  ElTay,  with  liberty  to  make  what  ufe  of  them 
he  chofe,  by  the  gentleman  to  whom  they  were  written. 


OF  THE  Human  Species. 

“ of  the  combat,  till  their  party  gave  way  and  took  to 
the  water,  to  endeavour  to  fwiin  over  to  the  Barbary 
‘‘  fide.  They  were  clofely  purfucd  even  into  the  river 
“ by  the  vigors,  who,  though  they  came  for  the  pur- 
“ pofe  of  getting  flaves^  gave  no  quarter,  their  cruelty 
even  prevailing  over  their  avarice.  They  made  no  pri- 
foners,  but  put  ail  to  the  fword  without  mercy.  Hor- 
rible  indeed  was  the  carnage  of  the  vanquifhed  on 
this  occafion,  and  as  we  were  within  two  or  three 
hundred  yards  of  them,  their  cries  and  fhrieks  affect- 
ed  us  extremely.  We  had  got  up  our  anchor  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fray,  and  now  ftood  clofe  in  to  the 
fpot,  where  the  viftors  having  followed  the  vanquifh- 
ed  into  the  water,  were  continually  dragging  out  and 
murdering  thofe,  whom  by  reafon  of  their  wounds 
they  eafily  overtook.  The  very  children,  whom  they 
took  in  great  numbers,  did  not  efcape  the  maffacre. 
“ Enraged  at  their  barbarity,  we  fired  our  guns  loaden 
with  grape-fhot,  and  a volley  of  fmall  arms  among 
them,  which  effectually  checked  their  ardour,  and 
obliged  them  to  retire  to  a diflance  from  the  fhore; 
from  whence  a few  round  cannon  fhot  foon  removed 
“ them  into  the  woods.  The  whole  river  was  black 
over  with  the  heads  of  the  fugitives,  who  were  fwim- 
ming  for  their  lives.  Thefe  poor  wretches,  fearing 
us  as  much  as  their  conquerors,  dived  when  we  fired, 
and  cried  mofl  lamentably  for  mercy.  Having  now 
‘‘  effectually  favoured  their  retreat,  we  ftood  back- 
wards  and  forwards,  and  took  up  feveral  that  were 
wounded  and  tired.  All  whofe  wounds  had  difabled 
them  from  fwimrning,  were  either  butchered  or 
drowned,  before  we  got  up  to  them.  With  a juftice 
“ and  generofity,  never  I believe  before  heard  of  among 
flavors^  we  gave  thofe  their  liberty  whom  we  had 
‘‘  taken  up,  fctting  them  on  fliore  on  the  Barbary  fide, 
among  the  poor  refidue  of  their  companions,  who 
“ had  furvived  the  {laughter  of  the  morning.’' 

We  fliall  make  but  two  remarks  on  this  horrid  in- 
ftance  of  African  cruelty.  It  adds,  firfl,  a confiderable 
weight  to  the  flatements  that  have  been  made ; and 

K confirms, 


74  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

confirms,  fecondly,  the  conclufions  that  were  drawn  rn 
the  preceding  chapter.  For  if  we  even  allow  the  right 
of  capture  to  be  juft  and  the  principles  of  reparation 
and  punifiiment  to  be  applicable  to  the  individuals  of 
a community,  yet  would  the  former  be  unjuft,  and  the 
latter  inapplicable,  in  the  prefent  cafe.  Every  African 
war  is  a robbery;  and  we  may  add,  to  our  former  ex- 
preflion,  ''when  "we  faid,  that  thus  have  many  thou- 
fands  of  men,  in  the  moft  iniquitous  manner,  been 
fent  into  fervitude,’^  that  we  believe  there  are  few 
of  this  order,  who  are  not  as  much  the  examples  of 
injuftice,  as  the  people  that  have  been  kidnapped;  and 
who  do  not  additionally  convey,  when  we  confider  them 
as  prifoners  of  war,  an ‘idea  of  the  moft*  complicated 
fcene  of  murder.  , ' v 

The  order  of  convl6ls^  as  it  exifts  almoft  folely  among 
thofe  princes,  whofe  dominions  are  contugious  to  the 
European  factories,  is  from  this  circumftance  fo  incon- 
fiderable,  when  compared  with  either  of  the  preceding, 
that  we  fliould  not  have  mentioned  it  again,  but  that 
we  were  unwilling  to  omit’ any  additional  argument 
that  occurred  againft  it._ 

It  has  been  .Ihewn  atready,  that  the  punifliment  of 
flavery  is  'infti'ded  from  no  other  motive,  than  that  of 
gratifying  the of  the  prince,  a confideration  fo 
deteftable,  as  to  be  fufficient  of  itfelf  to  prove  it  to  be 
unjuft;  and  that  it  is  fo  difproportionate,  from  its  Jiature^ 
to  the  offence,  as  to  afford  an  additional  proof  of  its 
injuftice.  We  (hall  add  now,  as  a fecond  argument,  its 
difproportibn  from  its  continuance : and  we  (liall  derive  a 
third  from  the  confideration,  that,  in  civil  fociety,  every 
violation  of  die  laws  of  the  community  is  an  offence 
againft  the  JiaU.  * 

Let  us  fuppofe  then  an  African  prince,  difdaining  for 
once  the  idea  of  emolument:  let  us  fuppofe  him  for  once 
' ■ inflamed 

+ Were  this  not  the  cafe,  the  government  of  a country  could 
have  no  right  to  take  cognizance  of  crimes,  and  punilh  them,  but 
every  individual,  if  injured,  would  have  a right  to  punilk  the  ag- 
greffor  with  his  own  hand,  which  is  contrary  to  the  notions  of  al 
civilized  men,  whether  among  the  ancients  or  the  moderns. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  75 

inflamed  with  the  love  of  his  country,  and  refolving  to 
punifh  from  this  principle  alone,  “ that  by  exhibiting  an 
example  of  terrour,  he  may  preferve  that  happinefs  of 
the  publick^  which  he  is  bound  to  fecure  and  defend 
by  the  very  nature  of  his  contra<5l;  or,  in  other  words, 
that  he  may  anfwer  the  end  of  government/’  If  ac- 
tuated then  by  this  principle,  he  Ihould  adjudge  flavery 
to  an  offender,  as  a juft  punifliment  for  his  offence,  for 
whofe  benefit  muft  the  convi(ft  labour  ? If  it  be  anfwer- 
ed,  “ for  the  benefit  of  the  ftate,”  we  allow  that  the 
punifliment,  in  whatever  light  it  is  confidered,  will  be 
found  to  be  equitable : but  if  it  be  anfwered,  for  the 
benefit  of  any  individual  whom  he  pleafes  to  appoint^* 
we  deny  it  to  be  juft.  The  * ftate  alone  is  confidered 
to  have  been  injured,  and  as  injuries  cannot  pojfihly  he 
transferred^  the  ftate  alone  can  juftly  receive  the  advan- 
tages of  his  labour.  But  if  the  African  prince,  when 
he  thus  condemns  him  to  labour  for  the  benefit  of  an 
unoffended  individual^  fliould  at  the  fame  time  fentence 
him  to  become  his  property ; that  is,  if  he  fliould  make 
the  perfon  and  life  of  the  convid  at  the  abfolute  difpofal 
of  him,  for  w^hom  he  has  fentenced  him  to  labour;  it 
is  evident  that,  in  addition  to  his  former  injuftice,  he 
is  ufurping  a power,  which  no  ruler  or  rulers  of  a ftate 
can  poffefs,  and  which  the  great  Creator  of  the  univerfe 
never  yet  gave  to  any  order  whatever  of  created  beings. 
That  this  reafoning  is  true,  and  that  civilized  nations 
have  confidered  it  as  fuch,  will  be  beft  teftified  by  their 
practice.  We  may  appeal  here  to  that  flavery^  which 
is  now  adjudged  to  delinquents,  as  a punifliment,  among 
many  of  the  ftates  of  Europe.  Thefe  delinquents  are 
fentenced  to  labour  at  the  oar^  to  work  in  mines^  and  on 
fortifications^  to  cut  and  clear  rivers^  to  make  and  repair 
roads^  and  to  perform  other  works  of  national  utility. 
They  are  employed,  in  fliort,  in  the  publick  work;  be- 

caufe, 

* This  fame  notion  is  entertained  even  by  the  African  princes, 
who  do  nof  permit  the  perfon  injured  to  revenge  his  injury,  or  to 
receive  -he  convid  as  his  flave.  But  if  the  very  perfon  who  has 
been  injured,  docs  not  poffefs  him,  much  Icfs  ought  any  other  per- 
Ion  whatfoever. 


76  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

caufe,  as  the  crimes  they  have  committed  are  confidered 
to  have  been  crime.s  againft  the  publick,  no  individual 
can  juftly  receive  the  emoluments  of  their  labour;  and 
they  are  neither  fold^  nor  made  capable  of  being  trans- 
ferred^ becaufe  no  government  whatfoever  is  invefted 
with  fuch  a power. 

Thus  then  may  that  flavery,  in  which  only  the  idea  of 
labour  is  included,  be  perfedlly  equitable,  and  the  de- 
linquent will  always  receive  his  punifhment  as  a many 
whereas  in  that,  which  additionally  includes  the  idea  of 
property^  and  to  undergo  which,  the  delinquent  muff 
previoufly  change  his  nature,  and  become  a brute^  there 
is  an  inconfillency,  which  no  arguments  can  reconcile, 
and  a contradidion  to  every  principle  of  nature,  which 
a man  need  only  to  appeal  to  his  own  feelings  immedi- 
ately to  evince.  And  w'e  will  venture  to  aflert,  from 
the  united  obfervations  that  have  been  made  upon  the 
fubjed,  in  oppofuion  to  any  arguments  that  may  be 
advanced,  that  there  is  fcarcely  one  of  thofe,  who  are 
called  African  convidls,  on  whom  the  prince  has  a 
right  to  inflict  a punifliment  at  all;  and  that  there  is  no 
one  whatever,  whom  he  has  a power  of  fentencing  to 
labour  for  the  benefit  of  an  unoffended  individual,  and 
much  lels  whom  he  has  a right  to  fell. 

* Having  now  fully  examined  the  arguments  of  the 
fellers^  and  having  made  fuch  additional  remarks  as  were 
neceffary,  we  have  only  to  add,  that  W’e  cannot  fuffici- 
ently  exprefs  our  deteftation  at  their  conduct.  Were  the 
reader  coolly  to  refle<ft  upon  the  cafe  of  but  one  of  the 
unfortunate  men,  w^ho  are  annually  the  victims  of  ava- 
rice^ and  confider  his  fituation  in  life,  as  a father,  an 
hufband,  or  a friend,  we  are  fure,  that  even  on  fuch  a 
partial  reflection,  he  miifl  experience  confiderable  pain. 
What  then  muff  be  his  feelings,  when  he  is  told,  that, 

fince 

* There  are  indances  on  the  African  continent,  of  parents  felling 
their  children.  As  the  daves  of  this  defeription  are  fo  few,  and  are 
fo  irregularly  obtained,  we  did  not  think  it  worth  our  while  to  con- 
dder  fhem  as  forming  an  order,  and,  as  God  never  gave  the  parent 
a power  over  his  child  to  make  him  r.iiferable,  we  triifl  that  any  far- 
ther mention  of  them  will  be  unneceaary. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  - 77 

fince  the  flave-trade  began,  j nine  millions  of  men  have 
been  torn  from  their  deareft  connections,  and  ibid  into 
ilavery.  If  at  this  recital  his  indignation  fliould  arife, 
let  him  confider  it  as  the  genuine  production  of  nature*, 
that  file  recoiled  at  the  horrid  thought,  and  that  Ihe  ap- 
plied inftantly  a torch  to  his  breaft  to  kindle  his  refent- 
ment;  and  it,  during  his  indignation,  flie  Ihould  awaken 
the  figh  of  fympathy,  or  feduce  the  tear  of  cominifera- 
tion  from  his  eye,  let  him  confider  each  as  an  additional 
argument  againit  the  iniquity  of  the  fellers. 

CHAP.  IX. 

It  remains  only  now  to  examine  by  what  arguments 
thofe,  who  receive  or  purchafe  their  fellow-creatures  into 
flavery,  defend  the  commerce.  Their  firfl  plea  is,  that 
they  receive  thofe  wnth  propriety,  who  are  convicted 
“ of  crimes,  becaufe  they  are  delivered  into  their  hands 
by  their  own  maglJiratesJ*^  Bat  what  is  this  to  you 
receivers^  Have  the  unfortunate  convlds  been  guilty  of 
injury  to  youf  Have  they  broken  your  treaties?  Have 
they  plundered  your  (hips?  Have  they  carried  your  wives 
and  children  into  flavery,  that  you  Ihould  thus  retaliate? 
Have  they  offended  you  even  by  word  or  gefture  ? 

But  if  the  African  convicts  are  innocent  with  refpedt 
to  you;  if  you  have  not  even  the  ffadow  of  a claim 
upon  their  perfons;  by  what  right  do  you  receive  them? 
“ By  the  laws  of  the  Africans/’  you  will  fay;  by 
which  it  is  pofitively  allowed.” — But  can  laws  alter 
the  nature  of  vice?  They  may  give  it  a fanclion  perhaps: 
it  will  kill  be  immutably  the  fame,  and,  though  dreffed 
in  the  outward  habiliments  of  honour,  will  {fill  be  intrlu’^ 
fically  bafe. 

But  alas!  you  do  not  only  attempt  to  defend  your- 
felves  by  thefe  arguments,  but  even  dare  to  give  your 
adions  the  appearance  of  lenity, » and  affume  merit  from 
your  bafenefs!  and  how  firlt  ought  you  particularly  to 
blufli,  w'hen  you  affert,  “ that  prifoners  of  war  are  only 
“ purchafed  from  the  hands  of  their  conquerors,  to  de- 
liver  them  from  death.''  Ridiculous  defence!  can  the 

moft 

f Abbe  Raynal,  Hift.  Phil.  vol.  4.  P.  154. 


yS  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

mod  credulous  believe  it?  You  entice  the  Africans  to 
war;  you  foment  their  quarrels;  you  fupply  them  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  all — from  the  motives  of  be- 
nevolence, Does  a man  fet  fire  to  an  houfe,  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  refcuing  the  inhabitants  from  the  flames?  But 
if  they  are  only  purchafed,  to  deliver  them  from  death; 
why,  when  they  are  delivered  into  your  hands,  as  pro- 
testors, do  you  torture  them  with  hunger?  Why  do  you 
kill  them  with  fatigue?  Why  does  the  whip  deform  their 
bodies,  or  the  knife  their  limbs?  Why  do  you  fentence 
them  to  death?  to  a death,  infinitely  more  excruciating 
than  that  from  which  you  fo  kindly  faved  them?  What 
anfwer  do  you  make  to  this?  for  if  you  had  not  hu- 
manely preferved  them  from  the  hands  of  their  conquer- 
ors, a quick  death  perhaps,  and  that  in  the  fpace  of  a 
moment,  had  freed  them  from  their  pain ; but  on  ac- 
count of  your  favour  and  benevolence,,  it  is  known,  that 
they  have  lingered  years  in  pain  and  agony,  and  have 
been  fentenced,  at  laft,  to  a dreadful  death  for  the  moft 
mfignificant  offence. 

Neither  can  we  allow  the  other  argument  to  be  true, 
on  which  you  found  your  merit;  ‘‘  that  you  take  them 
from  their  country  for  their  own  convenience;  be- 
caufe  Africa,  fcorched  with  inceffant  heat,  and  fub- 
‘‘  je6t  to  the  moft  violent  rains  and  tempefls,  is  unwhole- 
fome,  and  unfit  to  be  inhabited.”  Prepofterous  men! 
do  you  thus  judge  from  your  own  feelings?  Do  you  thus 
judge  from  your  own  conftitution  and  frame?  But  if  you 
fuppofe  that  the  Africans  are  incapable  of  enduring  their 
own  climate,  becaufe  you  cannot  endure  it  yourfelves; 
why  do  you  receive  them  into  flavery?  Why  do  you  not 
meafure  them  here  by  the  fame  ftandard?  For  if  you 
are  unable  to  bear  hunger  and  thirfl,  chains  and  impri- 
fonment,  wounds  and  torture,  why  do  you  not  fuppofe 
them  incapable  of  enduring  the  fame  treatment?  Thus 
then  is  your  argument  turned  againfi;  yourfelves.  But 
confider  the  anfwer  which  the  Scythians  gave  the  iEgypti- 
ans,  when  they  contended  about  the  antiquity  of  their 
original,  * That  nature,  when  file  firfl:  diftinguifhed 

‘‘  countries 


JuOin.  L.  2.  C.  L 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  79 

countries  by  different  degrees  of  heat  and  cold,  tern- 
pered  the  bodies  of  animals,  at  the  fame  inflant,  to 
endure  the  different  fituations:  that  as  the  climate  of 
Scythia  was  feverer  than  that  of  ^gypt,  fo  were  the 
bodies  of  the  Scythians  harder,  and  as  capable  of  en- 
tluring  the  feverity  of  their  atmofphere,  as  the  ^gyp- 
tians  the  temperatenefs  of  their  own  ” 

But  you  may  fay  perhaps,  that,  though  they  are  ca- 
pable of  enduring  their  own  climate,  yet  their  fituation 
is  frequently  uncomfortable,  and  even  wretched:  that 
Africa  is  infeffed  with  locufts,  and  infe(^s  of  various 
kinds;  that  they  fettle  in  fwarms  upon  the  trees,  deffcroy 
the  verdure,  confume  the  fruit,  and  deprive  the  inhabi- 
tants of  their  food.  But  the  fame  anfwer  may  be  ap- 
plied as  before;  “ that  the  fame  kind  Providence,  who 
tempered  the  body  of  the  animal,  tempered  alfo  the  bo- 
dy of  the  tree;  that  he  gave  it  a quality  to  recover  the 
bite  of  the  locufl,  which  he  fent;  and  to  reaffume,  in  a 
fliort  interval  of  time,  its  former  glory.’^  And  that  fuch 
is  the  cafe  experience  has  fhewn:  for  the  very  trees  that 
have  been  infeffed,  and  ftripped  of  their  bloom  and  ver- 
dure, fo  furprizingly  quick  is  vegetation,  appear  in  a 
few  days,  as  if  an  infe^l  had  been  utterly  unknown. 

We  may  add  to  thefe  obfervations,  from  the  teffimony 
of  thofe  who  have  written  the  Hiftory  of  Africa  from 
their  owm  infpedfion,  that  no  country  is  more  luxurious 
in  profpects,  none  more  fruitful,  none  more  rich  in  herds 
and  flocks,  and  none,  where  the  comforts  of  life  can  be 
gained  with  fo  little  trouble. 

But  you  fay  again,  as  a confirmation  of  thefe  your 
former  arguments,  (by  which  you  would  have  it  under- 
wood, that  the  Africans  theinfelves  are  fenfible  of  the 
goodnefs  of  your  intentions)  that  they  do  not  appear 
to  go  with  you  againff  their  will.”  Impudent  and 
bafe  aflertion!  Why  then  do  you  load  them  with  chains? 
Why  keep  you  your  daily  and  nightly  'watches?  But 
alas,  as  a farther,  though  a more  melancholy  proof,  of 
the  - falfehood  of  your  aflertions,  how  many,  when  on 
board  your  fliips,  have  put  a period  to  their  exiftence? 
How  many  have  leaped  into  the  fea?  How  many  have 

pined 


00 


Om  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

pined  to  death,  that,  even  at  the  expence  of  their  lives, 
thev  might  fly  from  your  benevolencef 

Do  you  cali  them  obftinate  then,  becaufe  they  refufe 
your  favours?  Do  you  call  them  ungrateful,  becaufe 
they  make  you  this  return?  How  much  rather  ought 
you  receivers  to  blufh!  How  much  rather  ought  you 
receivers  to  be  conlidered  a?  abandoned  and  execrable; 
who,  when  you  ufurp  the  dominion  over  thofe,  who  are 
as  free  and  independent  as  yourfelves,  break  the  firfl 
law  of  juflice,  which  ordains,  that  no  perfon  fhall  do 
harm  to  another,  without  a previous  provocation 
who  ofl’end  againfl:  the  dictates  of  nature,  which  com- 
mands, ‘‘  that  no  juft  man  fhall  be  given  or  received 
into  flavery  againft  his  own  confent;”  and  who  vio- 
late the  very  laws  of  the  empire  that  you  affume,  by 
configning  your  fubjedls  to  mifery. 

Now,  as  a famous  Heathen  philofopher  obferves,  from 
whofe 'mouth  you  fhall^be  convicted,  * there  is  a con- 
fiderable  difference,  whether  an  injury  is  done,  during 
any  perturbation  of  mind,  which  is  generally  fliort 
and  momentary;  or  whether  it  is  done  with  any  pre- 
vidus  meditation  and  dehgn;  for,  thofe  crimes,  which 
proceed  from  any  fuclden  commotion  of  the  mind, 
are  lefs  than  thofe,  which  are  ftudied  and  prepared,’’ 
how  great  and  enormous  are  your  crimes  to  be  con- 
fidei-ed,  who  plan  your  African  voyages  at  a time,  when 
vour  rsafon  is  found,  and  vour  fenfes  are  aw^ake;  who 
cooilv'and  deliberately  equip  your  veflels;  and  who  fpend 
veai  s,  and  even  lives,  in  the  traffick  of  human  liberty. 

But  if  the  arguments  of  thofe,  who  fell  or  deliver 
men  into  flavery,  (as  we  have  flmwn  before)  and  of  thofe, 
who  rceeive  or  pur  chafe  them,  (as  v/e  have  now  fhewn) 
are  wholly  falfe;  it  is  evident  tliat  this  commerce^  is  not 
only  beyond  the  pofTibility  of  defence,  but  is  juftly  to 
be  accounted  wicked,  and  juflly  impious,  fince  it  is 
contrary  to  the  priciples  of  law  and  government^  the 
didates  of  reafon^  the  common  maxims  of  equity^  the 
law’s  of  nature,  the  admonitions  of  confcience^  and,  in 
fliort,  the  Vv’hole  dodrinc  of  natural  religion. 

PART 


* Cicero  de  Ofiiciis.  L.  i.  C.  8. 


PART  III. 


THE 


SLAVERY  OF  THE  AFRICANS 


Having  confined  ourfelves  wholly,  in  the  fecond 
part  of  this  Eflay,  to  the  confideration  of  the  com- 
merce^ w’e  fhall  now  proceed  to  the  confideration  of  the 
Jlavery  that  is  founded  upon  it.  As  this  ilavery  will  be 
confpicuous  in  the  treatment^  which  the  unfortunate  Afri- 
cans uniformly  undergo,  when  they  are  put  in  the  hands 
of  the  recerjcrs^  we  fliall  defcribe  the  manner  in  which 
they  are  accuftomed  to  be  ufed  from  this  period. 

To  place  this  in  the  cleared,  and  mod  confpicuous 
point  of  view,  we  fhall  throw  a confiderable  part  of  our 
information  on  this  head  into  the  form  of  a narrative: 
we  fhall  fuppofe  ourfelves,  in  fhort,  on  the  continent  of 
Africa,  and  relate  a fcene,  which,  from  its  agreement 
with  unquedionable  facts,  might  not  unreafonably  be 
prefumed  to  have  been  prefented  to  our  view,  had  we 
been  really  there. 

And  fird,  let  us  turn  our  eyes  to  the  cloud  of  dud 
that  is  before  us.  It  feems  to  advance  rapidly,  and,  ac* 
companied  with  difmal  fhrieks  and  yellings,  to  make 
the  very  air,  that  is  above  it,  tremble  as  it  rolls  along. 
What  can  pofhbly  be  the  caufe?  Let  us  inquire  of  that 


IN  THE 


EUROPEAN  COLONIES. 


CHAP.  I. 


L 


melancholy 


82  On  the  Slavery  and  Comme^rce 

melancholy  African,  who  feems  to  walk  dejected  near 
the  ihore;  whofe  eyes  are  ftedfaftly  fixed  on  the  ap- 
proaching object,  and  whofe  heart,  if  we  can  judge 
from  the  appearance  of  his  countenance,  rauft  be  great- 
ly agitated. 

“ Alas!’’  fays  the  unhappy  African,  the  cloud  that 
that  you  fee  approaching,  is  a' train  of  wretched  Haves. 
They  are  going  to  the  Ihips  behind  you.  They  are 
‘‘  deftined  for  the  Englifli  colonies,  and,  if  you  will 
“ ftay  here  but  for  a little  time,  you  will  fee  them  pafs. 
‘‘  They  were  lafl:  night  drawn  up  upon  the  plain  which 
‘‘  you  fee  before  you,  where  they  were  branded  upon 
the  breafi:  with  an  hot  iron\  and  when  they  had  un- 
dergone  the  whole  of  the  treatment  which  is  cuftom- 
ary  on  thcfe  occafions,  and  which  I am  informed 
‘‘  that  you  Engliihmen  at  home  ufe  to  the  cattle  which 
you  buy,  they  were  returned  to  their  prifon.  As  I 
have  lome  dealings  v*^ith  the  members  of  the  factory 
“ which  you  fee  at  a little  diftance,  (though  thanks  to 
“ the  Great  Spirit,  I never  dealt  in  the  liberty  of  my 
fellow  creatures)  I gained  admittance  there.  I learn- 
ed  the  hiftory  of  fome  of  the  unfortunate  people, 
w'hom  1 faw  confined,  and  will  explain  to  you,  if  my 
eye  fliould  catch  them  as  they  pafs,  the  real  caufes  of 
their  fervitude.” 

Scarcely  were  thefe  words  fpoken,  when  they  came 
diftindfly  into  fight.  They  appeared  to  advance  in  a 
long  column,  but  in  a very  irregular  manner.  There 
were  three  only,  in  the  front,  and  thefe  were  chained 
together.  T he  reft  that  followed  feemed  to  be  chained 
by  pairs,  but  by  prefiing  forward,  to  avoid  the  lafti  of 
the  drivers,  the  breadth  of  the  column  began  to  be 
greatly  extended,  and  ten  or  more  were  obferved 
abreaft. 

While  we  were  making  thefe  remarks,  the  intelligent 
African  thus  refumed  his  difcourfe.  “ The  firft  three 
‘‘  whom  you  obferve,  at  the  head  of  the  train,  to  be 
chained  together,  are  prifoners  of  war.  As  foon  as 
the  fiiips  that  are  behind  you  arrived,  the  news  was  dif- 
patched  into  the  inland  country;  when  one  of  the 

petty 


0^  THE  Human  Species.  ' 83 

petty  kings  immediately  affembled'  his  fubje^ls,  and 
“ attacked  a neighbouring  tribe.  The  wretched  people, 
though  they  were  furprized,  made  a formidable  re- 
fiftance,  as  they  refolved,  almoft  all  of  them,  rather 
“ to  lole  their  lives,  than  furvive  their  liberty.  The 
perfon  whom  you  fee  in  the  middle,  is  the  father  of 
‘‘  the  two  young  men,  who  are  chained  to  him  on  each 
fide.  His  wi{^  and  two  of  his  children  were  Idhed 
in  the  attack,  and  his  father  being  wounded,  and,  on 
“ account  of  his  age,  incapable  of  fervitude^  was  left 
‘‘  bleeding  on  the  foot  where  this  tranfaclion  happen- 
ed.” 

“ With  refpecl  to  thofe  who  are  now  palfing  us,  and 
are  immediately  behind  the  former,  I can  give  you 
‘‘  no  other  intelligence,  than  that  fome  of  them,  to 
about  the  number  of  thirty,  w^ere  taken  in  the  fame 
fkirmilh.  Their  tribe  was  faid  to  have  been  numerous 
before  the  attack;  thefe  however  are  all  that  are  left  alive. 
But  with  refped  to  the  unhappy  man,  who  is  now 
‘‘  oppofite  to  us,  and  v/hom  you  may  diftinguilh,  as  he 
is  now  looking  back  and  wringing  his  hands  in  de- 
fpair,  I can  inform  you  with  more  precifion.  He  is 
“ an  unfortunate  convict.  He  lived  only  about  five 
days  journey  from  the  factory.  He  went  out  with 
his  king  to  hunt,  and  was  one  of  his  train;  but, 
through  too  great  an  anxiety  to  afford  his  royal  ma- 
(ter  diverfion,  he  roufed  the  game  from  the  covert 
rather  fooner  than  was  expected.  The  king,  exaf- 
perated  at  this  circumftance,  fentenced  him  to  flavery. 
His  wife  and  children,  fearing  Idt  the  tyrant  fliould 
extend  the  punifument  to  themfelves,  which  is  not  un~ 
ufua!^  fled  diredly  to  the  woods,  where  they  were 
“ all  devoured.” 

The  people,  w^hom  you  fee  clofe  behind  the  un- 
‘‘  happy  convicl,  form  a numerous  body,  and  reach  a 
‘‘  confiderable  way.  They  fpeak  a language,  v/hich  no 
perfon  in  this  part  of  Africa  can  underftand,  and  their 
features,  as  you  perceive,  are  fo  different  from  thofe 
“ of  the  reft,  that  they  almoft  appear  a diftintl  race  of 
“ men.  From  this  circumftance  I recoiledt  them.  They 


84  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

are  the  fubjeQs  of  a'very  diftant  prince,  who  agreed 
with  the  Jla’ve  merchants^  for  a quantity  of  fpirituous 
liquors^  to  furnifti  him  with  a flipulated  number  of 
flaves.  He  accordingly  furrounded,  and  fet  fire  to 
one  of  his  own  villages  in  the  night,  and  feized  thefe 
people,  who  were  unfortunately  the  inhabitants,  as 
they  were  efcaping  from  the  flames.  1 firfl:  faw  them 
as  the  merchants  were  driving  them  in,  about  two 
days  ago.  They  came  in  a large  body,  and  were 
tied  together  at  the  neck  w'ith  leather  thongs,  which 
permitted  them  to  walk  at  the  diflance  of  about  a 
‘‘  yard  from  one  another.  Many  of  them  were  loaden 
‘‘  with  elephants  teeth,  wTiich  had  been  purchafed  at  the 
fame  time.  All  of  them  had  bags,  made  of  fkin, 
upon  their  fhoulders;  for  as  they  were  to  travel,  in 
their  way  from  the  great  mountains,  through  barren 
fands  and  inhofpitable  w^oods  for  many  days  together, 
they  were  obliged  to  carry  w'ater  and  provifions  with 
them.  Notwithftanding  this,  many  of  them  periflied, 
‘‘  fome  by  hunger,  but  the  greatefl  number  by  fatigue, 
as  the  place  from  whence  they  came,  is  at  fuch  an 
amazing  diflance  from  this,  and  the  obflacles,  from 
the  nature  of  the  country,  fo  great,  that  the  journey 
could  fcarcely  be  completed  in  feven  moons.” 

When  this  relation  was  finifhed,  and  we  had  been 
looking  fledfaflly  for  fome  time  on  the  croud  that  was 
going  by,  w'e  lofl  flght  of  that  peculiarity  of  feature, 
which  we  had  before  remarked.  We  then  difeovered 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  depopulated  village  had  all  of 
them  paflTcd  us,  and  that  the  part  of  the  train,  to  which 
wx  were  now  oppofite,  was  a numerous  body  of  kid- 
napped people.  Here  we  indulged  our  imagination. 
We  thought  we  beheld  in  one  of  them  a father,  in  ano- 
ther an  hufband,  and  in  another  a fon,  each  of  whom 
was  forced  from  his  various  and  tender  connexions,  and 
without  even  the  opportunity  of  bidding  them  adieu. 
While  we  were  engaged  in  thefe  and  ether  melancholy 
reflexions,  the  whole  body  of  flaves  had  entirely  pafled 
US-  \Ve  turned  almofl  infenflbly  to  look  at  them  again, 
when  we  difeovered  an  unhappy  man  at  the  end  of  the 

train, 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  85 

train,  who  could  fcarcely  keep  pace  with  the  reft.  His 
feet  feemed  to  have  fuffered  much  from  long  and  con- 
ftant  travelling,  for  he  was  limping  painfully  along. 

This  man,  refumes  the  African,  has  travelled  a 
conftderable  way.  He  lived  at  a great  diftance  from 
“ hence,  and  had  a large  family,  for  whom  he  was  dai- 
ly  to  provide.  As  he  went  out  one  night  to  a neigh- 
“ bouring  fpring,  to  procure  water  for  his  thirfty  chil- 
‘‘  dren,  he  was  kidnapped  by  two  Jlave  hunters^  who 
“ fold  him  in  the  morning  to  fome  country  merchants 
for  a bar  of  iron,  Thefe  drove  him  with  other  flaves, 
“ procured  almoft  in  the  fame  manner,  to  the  neareft 
market,  where  the  Englifh  merchants,  to  whom  the 
‘‘  train  that  has  juft  now  paiTed  us  belongs,  purchafed 
‘‘  him  and  two  others,  by  means  of  their  travelling 
‘‘  agents,  for  2l  piftoL  His  wife  and  children  have  been 
long  waiting  for  his  return.  But  he  is  gone  for  ever 
“ from  their  fight:  and  they  muft  be  now  difconfolate, 
as  they  muft  be  certain  by  his  delay,  that  he  has  fal- 
“ len  into  the  hands  of  the  Chrijlians, 

And  now,  as  1 have  mentioned  the  name  of  ChrU 
flians^  a name,  by  which  the  Europeans  diftinguifli 
‘‘  themfeives  from  us,  I could  wifli  to  be  informed  of 
the  meaning  which  fuch  an  appellation  may  convey. 
They  conftder  themfeives  as  men^  but  us  unfortunate 
Africans,  whom  they  term  Heathens^  as  the  beafts  that 
ferve  us.  But  ah!  how  dift'erent  is  the  facl!  What  is 
Qhriftianity ^ but  a fyftem  of  murder  and  opprejjlonf 
The  cries  and  yells  of  the  unfortunate  people,  who 
are  now  foon  to  embark  for  the  regions  of  fervitude, 
‘=*  have  already  pierced  my  heart.  Have  you  not  heard 
“ me  figh,  while  we  have  been  talking?  Do  you  not  fee 
the  tears  that  now  trickle  down  my  cheeks?  and  yet 
‘‘  thefe  hardened  Chriftians  are  unable  to  be  moved  at 
“ all:  nay,  they  will  icourge  them  amidft  their  groans, 
and  even  fmile,  while  they  are  torturing  them  to  death. 
‘‘  Happy,  happy  Heathenifm  ? which  can  deteft  the  vices 
of  Chriftianitv,  and  fed  for  the  diftreftes  of  man- 
kind.’’ 


8(5  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

But”  we  reply,  You  are  totally  miftakenr  Cy^r^ 
tianity  is  the  moll  perfect  and  lovely  of  moral  fyllems. 
It  blelTes  even  the  hand  of  perfecution  itfelf,  and  re- 
turns  good  for'  evil.  But  the  people  againft  whom 
you  fo  jultly  declaim,  are  not  Chriftians,  They  are 
infidels.  They  are  monjiers.  They  are  out  of  the 
common  courfe  of  nature.  Their  countrymen  at  home 
are  generous  and  brave.  They  fupport  the  fick,  the 
lame,  and  the  blind.  They  fly  to  the  fuccour  of  the 
diflrelfed.  They  have  noble  and  (lately  buildings  for 
the  foie  purpofe  of  benevolence.  They  are  in  (hort, 
of  all  nations,  the  moft  remarkable  for  humanity  and 
jullice.” 

But  why  then,”  replies  the  honed  African,  do 
they  fuffer  this?  Why  is  Africa  a fcene  of  blood  and 
defolation?  Why  are  her  children  wreded  from  her, 
to  adminider  to  the  luxuries  and  greatnefs  of  thofe 
“ whom  they  never  offended?  And  why  are  thefe  dif- 
mal  cries  in  vain?” 

‘‘  Alas!”  we  reply  again,  “ can  the  cries  and  groans, 
with  which  the  air  now  trembles,  be  heard  acrofs  this 
“ extenfive  continent?  Can  the  fouthern  winds  convey 
them  to  the  ear  of  Britain?  If  they  could  reach  the 
generous  Englifhman  at  home,  they  would  pierce  his 
heart,  as  they  have  already  pierced  your  own.  He 
would  fympathize  with  you  in  your  didrefs.  He 
would  be  enraged  at  the  conduct  of  his  countrymen, 
and  redd  their  tyranny.”- - 

But  here  a (liriek  unufually  loud,  accompanied  with  a 
dreadful  rattling  of  chains,  interrupted  the  difcourfe. 
The  wretched  Africans  were  jud  about  to  embark:  they 
had  turned  their  face  to  their  country,  as  if  to  take  a 
lad  adieu,  and,  with  arms  uplifted  to  the  (ky,  were 
making  the  very  atmofphere  refound  with  their  prayers 
and  imprecations. 


CHAP. 


OF  THE  Human  Species. 


37 


CHAP.  II. 

The*  foregoing  fcene,  though  it  may  be  faid  to  be 
imaginary,  is  ftri6Uy  confident  with  fad.  It  is  a fcene, 
to  which  the  reader  himfelf  may  have  been  witnefs,  if 
he  has  ever  vifited  the  place,  where  it  is  fuppofed  to  lie; 
as  no  circumftance  whatever  has  been  inferted  in  it,  for 
which  the  fulled  and  mod  undeniable  evidence  cannot 
be  produced.  We  (hall  proceed  now  to  defcribe,  in 
general  terms,  the  treatment  which  the  wretched  Afri- 
cans undergo,  from  the  time  of  their  embarkation. 

When  the  African  daves,  who  are  colleded  from  va- 
rious quarters,  for  the  purpofes  of  fale,  are  delivered 
over  to  the  receivers^  they  are  conduded  in  the  manner 
above  defcibed  to  the  drips.  Their  fituation  on  board 
is  beyond  all  defcription:  for  here  they  are  crouded, 
hundreds  6f  them  together,  into  fuch  a fmall  compafs, 
as  would  fcarcely  be  thought  fufficient  to  accommodate 
twenty,  if  confidered  as  free  men.  This  confinement 
foon  produces  an  effed,  that  may  be  eafily  imagined.  It 
generates  a peftilential  air,  which,  co-operating  with  bad 
provifions,  occafions  fuch  a ficknefs  and  mortality  among 
them,  that  not  lefs  than  * twenty  thoufand  are  generally 
taken  oiF  in  every  yearly  tranfportation. 

Thus  confined  in  a peftilential  prifon,  and  almoft  en- 
tirely excluded  from  the  chearful  face  of  day,  it  remains 
for  the  fickly  furvivors  to  linger  out  a miferable  ex- 
iftencc,  till  the  voyage  is  finifhed.  But  are  no  farther 
evils  to  be  expeded  in  the  interim,  particularly  if  we 
add  to  their  already  wretched  fituation,  the  indignities 

that 

* It  is  iiniverfally  allowed,  that  at  leaft  one  fifth  of  the  exported 
: negroes  perifh  in  the  paflage.  This  eftimate  is  made  from  the  time 
' in  which  they  arc  put  an  board,  to  the  time  when  they  are  difpofed 
I of  in  the  colonies.  The  French  are  fuppofed  to  lofe  the  greateft 
I number  in  the  voyage,  but  particularly  from  this  circumftance,  be- 
1 caufe  their  Have  ihips  are  in  general  fo  very  large,  that  many  of  the 
ilaves  that  have  been  put  on  board  fickly,  die  before  the  cargo  can 
be  completed. 


88  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

that  are  daily  offered  them,  and  the  regret  which  they 
mud:  conftantly  feel,  at  being  for  ever  forced  from  their 
connexions?  Thefe  evils  are  but  too  apparent.  Some 
of  them  have  refolved,  and,  notwithhanding  the  threats 
of  the  receivers,  have  carried  their  refolves  into  executi- 
on, to  Ifarve  themfelves  to  death.  Others,  when  they 
have  been  brought  upon  deck  for  air,  if  the  lead:  oppor- 
tunity has  offered,  have  leaped  into  the  fea,  and  termi- 
nated their  miferies  at  once.  Others,  in  a fit  of  defpair, 
have  attempted  to  rife,  and  regain  their  liberty.  But 
here  what  a fcene  of  barbarity  has  conftantly  enfued. — 
Some  of  them  have  been  inftantly  killed  upon  the  fpot; 
fome  have  been  taken  from  the  hold,  have  been  bruifed 
and  mutilated  in  the  mod:  barbarous  and  fliocking  man- 
ner, and  have  been  returned  bleeding  to  their  compani- 
ons, as  a fad  example  of  refiftance;  while  others,  tied 
to  the  ropes  of  the  fhip,  and  mangled  alternately  with 
the  whip  and  knife,  have  been  left  in  that  horrid  fituatl- 
on,  till  they  have  expired. 

But  this  is  not  the  only  inhuman  treatment  which  they 
are  frequently  obliged  to  undergo;  for  if  their  fhould  be 
any  neceffity,  from  tempeifuous  weather,  for  lightening 
the  diip;  or  if  it  fliould  be  prefumed  on  the  voyage,  that 
the  provifions  will  fall  fhort  before  the  port  can  be  made, 
they  are,  many  of  them,  thrown  into  the  fea,  without 
any  compun(^fion  of  mind  on  the  part  of  the  receivers, 
and  without  any  other  regret  for  their  lofs,  than  that 
which  infpires.  Wretched  furvivorsl  what  muff 

be  their  feelings  at  fuch  a fightl  how  mud:  they  tremble 
to  think  of  that  fervitude  which  is  approaching,  when 
the  very  dogs  of  the  receivers  have  been  retained  on 
board,  and  preferred  to  their  unolfending  countrymen. 
But  indeed  fo  lightly  are  thefe  unhappy  people  elfeemed, 
that  their  lives  have  been  even  taken  away  upon  fpecu- 
lation  : there  has  been  an  inftance,*  within  the  laft  five 

years, 

* This  inftance  happened  in  a ihip,  commanded  by  one  Coiiing- 
wood.  On  the  29th  of  November,  1781,  fifty  four  of  them  were 
thrown  into  the  fea  alive;  on  the  30th  forty-two  more;  and  in  about 
three  days  afterwards,  twenty-fix.  Ten  others,  who  were  brought 

upon 


OF  THE  Human  Species;  ' 89 

years,  of  one  hundred  and  thirty -two  of  them  being 
thrown  into  the  fea,  becaufe  it  was  fuppofed  that,  by 
this  tricky  their  value  could  be  recovered  from  the  in- 
fur ers. 

But  if  the  fliip  fliould  arrive  fafe  at  its  deftined  port, 
a circumftance  which  does  not  always  happen,  (for  fome 
have  been  blown  up,  and  many  loft)  the  wretched  Afri- 
cans do  not  find  an  alleviation  of  their  forrow.  Here 
they  are  again  expofed  to  fale.  Here  they  are  again  fub- 
je£ted  to  the  infpeftion  of  other  brutal  receivers^  who 
examine  and  treat-  them  with  an  inhumanity,  at  which 
even  avarice  ftiould  blufh.  To  this  mortifying  circum- 
ftance  is  added  another,  that  they  are  picked  out,  as  the 
purchafer  pleafes,  with  out  any  confideration  whether 
the  wife  is  feparated  from  her  hufband,  or  the  mother 
from  her  fon:  and  if  thefe  cruel  inftances  of  feparation 
fliould  happen;  if  relations,  when  they  find  themfelves 
about  to  be  parted,  fliould  cling  together;  or  if  filial, 
conjugal,  or  parental  affedion,  fliould  detain  them  but 
a moment  longer  in  each  other’s  arms,  than  thefe  fecond 
receivers  fliould  think  fuflicient,  the  lafli  inftantly  fevers 
them  from  their  embraces. 

We  cannot  clofe  our  account  of  the  treatment,  which 
the  wretched  Africans  undergo  while  in  the  hands  of  the 
firji  receivers^  without  mentioning  an  inftance  of  wanton 
barbarity,  which  happened  fome  time  ago;  particularly 
as  it  may  be  inferted  w'ith  propriety  in  the  prefent  place, 
and  may  give  the  reader  a better  idea  of  the  cruelties, 
to  which  they  are  continually  expofed,  than  any  that  he 
may  have  yet  conceived.  To  avoid  making  a miftake, 
we  fliall  take  the  liberty  that  has  been  allowed  us,  and 

M tranfcribe 

upon  the  deck  for  the  fame  pnrpofe,  did  not  v/ait  to  be  hand-cufFcd, 
but  bravely  leaped  into  the  Tea,  and  iliared  the  fate  of  their  com- 
panions. It  is  a fact,  that  the  people  on  board  this  iTiip  had  not 
been  put  upon  lliort  allowance.  The  excufc  which  this  execrable 
wretch  made  on  board  for  his  condud,  was  the  following,  “ that  if 
“ the  Jlaves,  who  were  then  Jickly,  had  died  a natural  deaths  the  lojs  would 
“ have  been  the  owners;  but  as  the^  \\>erc  thrown  alive  into  the  fea,  it 
“ would  fall  upon  the  underwriters d' 


<|0  On  THE  Slavery  and  Commerce 

tranfcribe  it  from, a little  manufcript  account,  with  which 
we  have  been  favoured  by  a * perfon  of  the  ftndefl  in- 
tegrity, and  who  was  at  that  time  in  the  place  where  the 
tranfacHon  happened.  “ Not  long  after,'’  fays  he, 
(continuing  his  account)  the  perpetrator  of  a cruel 
murder,  committed  in  open  day  light,  in  the  mod 
publick  part  of  a town,  which  was  the  feat  of  govern- 
“ raent,  efcaped  every  other  notice  than  the  curfes  of  a 
few  of  the  more  humane  v/itneffes  of  his  barbarity. 
An  officer  of  a Guinea  ffiip,  who  had  the  care  of  a 
number  of  new  haves,  and  was  returning  from  the 
falc-yard  to  the  velTel  with  fuch  as  remained  unfold, 
obferved  a flout  fellow  among  them  rather  flow  in  his 
‘‘  motions,  which  he  therefore  quickened  with  his  rattan. 
The  (lave  foon  afterwards  fell  down,  and  was  raifed 
by  the  fame  application.  Moving  forwards  a few 
yards,  he  fell  down  again;  and  this  being  taken  as  a 
proof  of  his  fullen  perverfe  fpirit,  the  enraged  officer 
“ furioully  repeated  his  blows  till  he  expired  at  his  feet. 
‘‘  The  brute  coolly  ordered  fome  of  the  furviving  haves 
to  carry  the  dead  body  to  the  water’s  fide,  where  with- 
“ out  any  ceremony  or  delay,  being  thrown  into  the  fea, 
the  tragedy  was  fuppofed  to  have  been  immediately 
finihied  by  the  not  more  inhuman  fharks,  with  which 
the  harbour  then  abounded.  Thefe  voracious  fifh 
were  fuppofed  to  have  followed  the  vehels  from  the 
coaft  of  Africa,  in  which  ten  thoufand  haves  were 
imported  in  that  one  feafon,  being  allured  by  the 
flench,  and  daily  fed  by  the  dead  carcahes  thrown 
overboard  on  the  voyage.” 

If 

This  gentleman  is  at  prefent  rehdent  in  England.  The  author  of 
this  Effay,  applied  to  him  for  fome  information  on  the  treatment  of 
haves,  fo  far  as  his  own  knowledge  was  concerned.  He  was  fo  obli- 
ging as  to  furnilk  him  with  the  written  account  alluded  to,  interfperf- 
ed  only  with  fuch  inhances,  as  he  himfelf  could  undertake  to  anfwer 
for.  The  author,  as  he  has  never  met  with  thefe  inhances  before, 
and  as  they  are  of  fuch  high  authority,  intends  to  tranfcribe  two  or 
three  of  them,  tind  infert  them  in  the  fourth  chapter.  They  will  be 
found  in  inverted  commas. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  91 

If  the  reader  fliould  obferve  here,  that  cattle  are  bet- 
ter protected  in  this  country,  than  haves  in  the  colonies, 
his  obfervation  will  be  juft.  The  beaft  which  is  driven 
to  market,  is  defended  by  law  from  the  goad  of  the  dri- 
ver; whereas  the  wretched  African,  though  an  human 
being,  and  whofe  feelings  receive  of  courfe  a double 
poignancy  from  the  power  of  reflexion,  is  unnoticed  in 
this  refpecl  in  the  colonial  code,  and  may  be  goaded  and 
and  beaten  till  he -expires. 

We  may  now  take  oqr  leave  of  the  jirji  receivers. 
Their  crime  has  been  already  eftimated;  and  to  reafon 
farther  upon  it,  would  be  unneceftary.  For  where  the 
conducl  of  men  is  fo  manifeftly  impious,  there  can  be  no 
need,  either  of  a fingle  argument  or  a refledlion;  as 
every  reader  of  fenfibility  will  anticipate  them  in  his  own 
feelings. 


CHAP.  III. 

When  the  wretched  Africans  are  thus  put  into  the 
hands  of  the  fecond  receivers.,  they  are  conveyed  to  the 
plantations,  where  they  are  totally  confidered  as  cattle^ 
or  beafts  of  labour ; their  very  children,  if  any  fhould  be 
born  to  them  in  that  fituation,  being  previoully  deftined 
to  the  condition  of  their  parents.  But  here  a queftion 
arifes,  which  will  interrupt  the  thread  of  the  narration 
for  a little  time,  viz.  how  far  their  defeendants,  who 
compofe  the  fifth  order  of  Haves,  are  juftly  reduced  to 
fervitude,  and  upon  what  principles  the  receivers  defend 
their  conducl. 

Authors  have  been  at  great  pains  to  inquire,  why, 
in  the  ancient  fervitude,  the  child  has  uniformly  follow- 
ed the  condition  of  the  mother.  But  we  conceive  that 
they  would  have  faved  themfelves  much  trouble  and  have 
done  themfelves  more  credit,  if  inftead  of  endeavouring 
to  reconcile  the  cuftom  with  heathen  notions,  or  their 
own  laboured  conjeclures,  they  had  fhewn  its  inconfift- 
ency  with  reafon  and  nature,  and  its  repugnanev  to  com- 
mon juftice.  Suffice  it  to  fay,  that  the  whole  theory  of 
the  ancients,  with  refpecl  to  the  defeendants  of  flaves, 

may 


92  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

may  be  reduced  to  this  principle,  “ that  as  the  parents, 
by  becoming  property^  were  wholly  confidered  as  cat- 
‘‘  tle^  their  children,  like  the  progeny  of  cattle^  inherited 
their  parental  lot.’’ 

Such  alfo  is  the  excufe  of  the  tyrannical  receivers  be- 
fore-mentioned. They  allege,  that  they  have  purchafed 
the  parents,  that  they  can  fell  and  difpofe  of  them  as 
they  pleafe,  that  they  poffefs  them  under  the  fame  laws 
and  limitations  as  their  cattle,  and  that  their  children, 
like  the  progeny  of  thefe,  become  their  property  by 
birth. 

But  the  abfurdity  of  the  argument  will  immediately 
appear.  It  depends  wholly  on  the  fuppofition,  that  the 
parents  are  brutes,  if  they  are  brutes^  we  fliall  inftantly 
ceafe  to  contend:  if  they  are  jnen,  which  we  think  it 
not  difficult  to  prove,  the  argument  mufi:  immediately 
fall,  as  w^e  have  already  fhewn  that  there  cannot  juftly 
be  any  property  whatever  in  the  human  fpecies. 

It  has  appeared  alfo,  in  the  fecond  part  of  this  Eflay, 
that  as  nature  made  every  man’s  body  and  mind  his 
own.^  fo  no  jufi  perfon  can  be  reduced  to  flavery  againffc 
his  own  confent.  Do  the  unfortunate  offspring  ever  con- 
fe?it  to  be  Haves? — They  are  Haves  from  their  birth. — 
Are  they  guilty  of  crimes,  that  they  lofe  their  freedom? 
—They  are  Haves  when  they  cannot  fpeak — Are  their 
parents  abandoned?  The  crimes  of  the  parents  cannot 
juffly  extend  to  the  children. 

d’hus  then  muff  the  tyrannical  receivers^  who  prefume 
to  fentence  the  children  of  Haves  to  fervitude,  if  they 
mean  to  difpute  upon  the  juftice  of  their  caufe;  cither 
allow  them  to  have  been  brutes  from  their  birth,  or  to 
have  been  guilty  of  crimes  at  a time,  when  they  were 
incapable  of  offending  the  King  of  Kings. 


CHAP.  IV. 

But  to  return  to  the  narration.  When  the  wretcheff 
Africans  are  conveyed  to  the  plantations,  they  are  con- 
fidered as  beafts  of  labour.,  and  are  put  to  their  refpec- 

tive 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  93 

tive  work.  Having  led,  in  their  own  country,  a life  of 
indolence  and  eafe»  where  the  earth  brings  forth  fpon- 
taneoufly  the  comforts  of  life,  and  fpares  frequently  the 
toil  and  trouble  of  cultivation,  they  can  hardly  be  ex- 
pecled  to  endure  the  drudgeries  of  fervitude.  Calcula- 
tions are  accordingly  made  upon  their  lives.  It  is. con- 
jedured,  that  if  three  in  four  furvive  what  is  called  the 
feafoning^  the  bargain  is  highly  favourable.  This  feafon- 
ing  is  faid  to  expire,  when  the  two  firft  years  of  their 
fervitude  are  completed : It  is  the  time  which  an  African 
mufl  take  to  be  fo  accuifomed  to  the  colony,  as  to  be 
able  to  endure  the  common  labour  of  a plantation,  and 
to  be  put  into  the  gang.  At  the  end  of  this  period  the 
calculations  become  verified,  * t^jjenty  thoujand  of  thofe, 
wdio  are  annually  imported,  dying  before  the  feafoning 
is  over.  This  is  furely  an  horrid  and  awful  confidera- 
tion:  and  thus  does  it  appear,  (and  let  it  be  remember- 
ed, that  it  is  the  lowed  calculation  that  has  been  ever 
made  upon  the  fcbjecl)  that  out  of  every  annual  fupply 
that  is  fhipped  from  the  coaff  of  Africa,  | forty  thoujand 
lives  are  regularly  expended,  even  before  it  can  be 
faid,  that  there  is  really  any  additional  flock  for  the  co- 
lonies. 

* One  third  ot  the  whole  number  imported,  is  often  computed 
CO  be  loll  in  the  feafoning,  which,  in  round  ninnbers,  will  be  27000. 
The  lofs  in  the  feafoning  depends,  in  a great  meafure,  on  two  dr- 
CLimflances,  viz.  on  the  number  of  what  are  called  refufe  flaves  that 
(ire  imported,  and  on  the  quantify  of  new  lands  in  the  colony.  In 
the  French  windward  idands  of  Martinico,  and  Guadaloupe,  which 
are  cleared  and  highly  cultivated,  and  in  our  old  fmall  iflands,  one 
fourth,  including  refufe  Haves,  is  conlidered  as  a general  proporti- 
on. But  in  St.  Domingo,  where  there  is  a great  deal  of  new  Land 
annually  taken  into  culture,  and  in  other  colonies  in  the  fame  litua- 
tion,  the  general  proportion,  including  refufe  Haves,  is  found  to 
be  one  third.  This  therefore  is  a lower  cHimate  than  the  former, 
and  reduces  the  number  to  about  230C0.  We  may  obferve,  that 
this  is  the  common  cHimatc,  but  we  have  reduced  it  to  20000  to 
make  it  free  from  all  objeflion. 

■\  Including  the  number  that  perifh  on  the  voyage,  and  in  the  fea- 
foning. It  is  generally  thought  that  not  half  the  number  purchafed 
can  be  confidered  as  an  additional  Hock,  and  of  couiTe  that  50,000 
are  confumed  within  the  nrH  two  years  from  their  embarkation. 


94  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

When  the  feafoning  is  over,  and  the  furvivors  arc 
thus  enabled  to  endure  the  ufual  talk  of  flaves,  they  are 
Confidered  as  real  and  fubftantial  fupplies.  * From  this 
period  therefore  we  (hall  deferibe  their  fituation. 

They  are  fummoned  at  five  in  the  morning  to  begin 
their  work.  This  w^ork  may  be  divided  into  two  kinds, 
the  culture  of  the  fields,  and  the  colledion  of  grafs  for 
cattle.  The  laft  is  the  mod  laborious  and  intolerable 
employment;  as  the  grafs  can  only  be  collected  blade 
by  blade,  and  is  to  be  fetched  frequently  twice  a day 
at  a confiderable  diflance  from  the  plantation.  In  thefe 
two  occupations  they  are  jointly  taken  up,  with  no  other 
intermilTion  than  that  of  taking  their  fubfiflence  twice, 
till  nine  at  night.  They  then  feparate  for  their  refpec- 
tive  huts,  when  they  gather  fficks,  prepare  their  fupper, 
and  attend  their  families.  This  employs  them  till  mid- 
night, when  they  go  to  reft.  Such  is  their  daily  way  of 
life  for  rather  more  than  half  the  year.  They  are  fifteen 
hours,  including  two  intervals  at  meals,  in  the  fervice 
of  their  mafters;  they  are  employed  three  afterwards  in 
their  own  neceftary  concerns;  five  only  remain  for  fleep, 
and  their  day  is  finiflied. 

During  the  remaining  portion  of  the  year,  or  the 
time  of  crop,  the  nature,  as  well  as  the  time  of  their 
employment,  is  confiderably  changed.  The  whole  gang 
is  generally  divided  into  tuo  or  three  bodies.  One  of 
thefe,  befides  the  ordinary  labour  of  the  day,  is  kept 
in  turn  at  the  mills,  that  are  ccnftantly  going,  during 
the  whole  of  the  night.  This  is  a dreadful  encroach- 
ment 

That  part  of  the  account,  that  has  been  hitherto  given,  ex- 
tends to  all  the  Europeans  and  their  colonies,  who  are  concerned 
in  this  horrid  practice.  But  we  are  forry  that  we  mufl  now  make  a 
diflinction,  and  coniine  the  remaining  part  of  it  to  the  colonifts  of 
the  BritiOi  Weft  India  iflands,  and  to  thofe  of  the  fouthern  pro- 
vinces of  No'th  America.  As  the  employment  of  flaves  is  differ- 
ent in  the  two  parts  of  the  world  lalt  mentioned,  we  fhall  content 
ourfelves  with  deferibing  it,  as  it  exifts  in  one  of  them,  and  we 
ihall-  afterwards  annex  fuch  treatment  and  fuch  confequences  as  are 
applicable  to  both.  We  have  only  to  add,  that  the  reader  muft 
not  confider  our  accounts  as  univerfaHy,  but  only  generally,  true. 


Of  THE  Human  Species.  95 

ment  upon  their  time  of  reft,  which  was  before  too 
fliort  to  permit  them  perfectly  to  refrefh  their  wearied 
limbs,  and  adually  reduces  their  fleep,  as  long  as  this 
fealon  lafts,  to  about  three  hours  and  an  half  a night, 
upon  a moderate  * computation.  Thofe  who  can  keep 
their  eyes  open  during  their  nightly  labour,  and  are 
willing  to  refift  the  drowfinefs  that  is  continually  coming 
upon  them,  are  prefently  worn  out;  while  fome  of 
thofe,  who  are  overcome,  and  who  feed  the  mill  be- 
tween alleep  and  awake,  fuft'er,  for  thus  obeying  the 
calls  of  nature,  by  the  f lofs  of  a limb.  In  this  man- 
ner they  go  on,  with  little  or  no  refpite  from  their  work, 
till  the  crop  feafon  is  over,  when  the  year  (from  the  time 
of  our  firft  defcription)  is  completed. 

I To  fupport  a life  of  fuch  unparalleled  drudgery,  we 
fhould  at  leaft  expe(ft  to  find,  that  they  were  comforta- 
bly clothed,  and  plentifully  fed.  But  fad  reverfel  they 
have  fcarcely  a covering  to  defend  themfelves  againft  the 
inclemency  of  the  night.  Their  provifions  are  frequent- 
ly bad,  and  are  always  dealt  out  to  them  with  fuch  a 
fparing  hand,  that  the  means  of  a bare  livelihood  arc 
not  placed  within  the  reach  of  four  out  of  five  of  thefe 
unhappy  people.  It  is  a fadt,  that  many  of  the  diforders 
of  flaves  are  contradfed  from  eating  the  vegetables, 
which  their  little  fpots  produce,  before  they  are  fuffici- 
ently  ripe:  a clear  indication,  that  the  calls  of  hunger 
are  frequently  fo  prefling,  as  not  to  fuffer  them  to  wait, 
till  they  can  really  enjoy  them. 

This  fituation,  of  a want  of  the  common  neceffaries 
of  life,  added  to  that  of  hard  and  continual  labour, 
muft  be  fufficiently  painful  of  itfelf.  How  then  muft 

the 

* This  computation  is  made  on  a fuppofition,  that  the  gang  is 
divided  into  three  bodies;  we  call  it  therefore  moderate,  becaufe 
the  gang  is  frequently  divided  into  two  bodies,  which  mull  there- 
fore fet  up  alternately  every  other  night. 

f An  hand  or  arm  being  frequently  ground  off. 

^ The  reader  will  fcarcely  believe  it,  but  it  is  a fad,  that  a flave’s 
annual  allowance  from  his  mailer,  for  provifions,  clothing,  medi- 
cines when  fich,  dec.  is  limited,  unon  an  average,  to  thirty  Ihill- 
ings. 


g6  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

the  pain  be  fliarpencd,  if  it  be  accompanied  with  feve- 
rity ! if  an  unfortunate  have  does  not  come  into  the  field 
exactly  at  the  appointed  time,  if,  drooping  with  fick- 
nefs  or  fatigue,  he  appears  to  work  unwillingly,  or  if 
the  bundle  of  grafs  that  he  has  been  colleding,  appears 
too  finall  in  the  eye  of  the  overfeer,  he  is  equally  fure 
of  experiencing  the  whip.  This  inflrument  erafes  the 
fkin,  and  cuts  out  fmail  portions  of  the  fiefli  at  almofl 
every  flroke;  and  is  fo  frequently  applied,  that  the 
fmack  of  it  is  all  day  long  in  the  ears  of  thofe,  who 
are  in  the  vicinity  of  the  plantations.  This  fe verity  of 
mafters,  or  managers,  to  their  flaves,  which  is  confider- 
ed  only  as  common  difcipline,  is  attended  with  bad  ef- 
fedls.  It  enables  them  to  behold  inflances  of  cruelty 
without  commiferation,  and  to  be  guilty  of  them  with- 
out remorfe.  Hence  thofe  many  ads  of  deliberate  mu- 
tilation, that  have  taken  place  on  the  flighted:  occanons: 
hence  thofe  many  ads  of  inferiour,  though  fliocking,  bar- 
barity, that  have  taken  place  without  any  occafion  at 
all:  * the  very  flitting  of  ears  has  been  confidered  as  an 
operation,  fo  perfedly  devoid  of  pain,  as  to  have  been 
performed  for  no  other  reafon  than  that  for  which  a 
brand  is  fet  upon  cattle,  as  a mark  of  property. 

But  this  is  not  the  only  effed,  which  this  feverity  pro- 
duces: for  while  it  hardens  their  hearts,  and  makes  them 
infenfible  of  the  mifery  of  their  fellow-creatures,  it  be- 
gets a turn  for  wanton  cruelty.  As  a proof  of  this,  we 
{hall  mention  one,  among  the  many  initances  that  occur, 
where  ingenuity  has  been  exerted  in  contriving  modes  of 

torture. 


^ “ A boy  having  received  fix  flaves  as  a prefent  from  his  father, 
“ immediately  flit  their  ears,  and  for  the  following  reafon,  that  as 
“ his  father  was  a whimfical  man,  he  might  claim  them  again,  iin- 
“ lefs  they  were  marked.”  We  do  not  mention  this  infiance  as  a 
confirmation  of  the  paffage  to  which  it  is  annexed,  but  only  to  Ihew 
how  cautious  we  ought  to  be  in  giving  credit  to  what  may  be  ad- 
vanced in  any  work  written  in  defence  of  flavery,  by  any  native  of 
the  colonies:  for  being  trained  up  to  feenes  of  cruelty  bom  his 
cradle,  he  may,  confiftently  with  his  own  feelings,  reprefent  that 
treatment  as  mild,  at  which  we,  who  have  never  been  ufed  to  fee 
them,  fliould  abfolutely  Ihudder. 


OF  THE  Human  Species,  97 

torture.  An  iron  coffin,' with  holes  in  it,  was  kept  by 
a certain  colonift,  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  laffi.  In  this 
the  poor  vidim  ol  the  inafter’s  refentnient  w’as  in- 
clofed,  and  placed  fufficientiy  near  a fire,  to  occafion 
‘‘  extreme  pain,  and  confequently  fnrieks  and  groans, 
until  the  revenge  of  the  maker  was  fatiated,  without 
‘‘  any  other  inconvenience  on  his  part,  then  a tempora- 
ry  fufpenfion  of  the  Have’s  labour.  Had  he  been  flog- 
ged  to  death,  or  his  limbs  mutilated,  the  interefl  of 
the  brutal  tyrant  would  have  fuffered  a more  irrepara- 
ble  lefs. 

In  mentioning  this  inltance,  we  do  not  mean  to  in- 
“ finuate,  that  it  is  common.  We  know  that  it  was  re- 
probated  by  many.  All  that  we  w'ould  infer  from  it 
is,  that  where  men  are  habituated  to  a fyftcm  of  fe- 
verity,  they  become  wantonly  cruel^  and  that  the  mere 
“ tpleration  of  fuch  an  inftrument  of  torture,  in  any 
country,  is  a clear  indication,  that  this  wretched  clafs 
of  men  do  not  there  enjoy  the  protedion  of  a?iy  laws^  that 
may  be  pretended  to  have  been  enaded  in  their  favour. 
Such  then  is  the  general  fituation  of  the  unfortunate 
Africans.  They  are  beaten  and  tortured  at  difcretion. 
They  are  badly  clothed.  They  are  miferably  fed.  Their 
drudgery  is  intenfe  and  inceflant,  and  their  reft  ffiort. 
For  fcarcely  are  their  heads  reclined,  fcarcely  have  their 
bodies  a refpite  from  the  labour  of  the  day,  or  the  cruel 
hand  of  the  overfeer,  but  they -are  fummoned.to  renew 
their  forrows.  In  this  manner  they  go  on  from  year  to 
year,  in  a ftate  of  the  lowefl  degradation,  without  a Tingle 
law  to  prote<T  them,  without  the  poffibility  of  redrefs, 
without  a hope  that  their  fituation  will  be  changed,  un- 
lefs  death  ffiould  terminate  the  fcene. 

Having  defcribed  the  general  fituation  of  thefe  un- 
fortunate people,  we  fhali  now  take  notice  of  the  com- 
mon confequences  that  are  found  to  attend  it,  and  relate 
them  feparately,  as  they  refult  either  from  long  and  pain- 
ful labour^  a want  of  the  common  neccffiiries  of  life,  or 
continual  feverity. 

Opprefted  by  a daily  taffi  of  fuch  immoderate  labour 
as  human  nature  is  utterly  unable  to  perform,  many  of 

N them. 


9^  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

them  run  away  from  their  mafters.  They  fly  to  the  re- 
celfes  of  the  mountains,  where  they  choofe  rather  to 
live  upon  any  thing  that  the  foil  affords  them,  nay,  the 
very  foil  itfelf,  than  return  to  that  happy  fituation^  which 
is  reprefented  by  the  receivers^  as  the  condition  of  a 
flave. 

It  fometimes  happens,  that  the  manager  of  a moun- 
tain plantation,  falls  in  with  one  of  thefe;  he  immedi- 
ately feizes  him,  and  threatens  to  carry  him  to  his  for- 
mer mailer,  unlefs  he  will  confent  to  live  on  the  moun- 
tain and  cultivate  his  ground.  When  his  plantation  is 
put  in  order,  he  carries  the  delinquent  home,  abandons 
him  to  all  the  fuggeflions  of  defpotick  rage,  and  accepts 
a reward  for  his  honejly.  The  unhappy  wretch  is  chain- 
ed, fcourged,  tortured;  and  ail  this,  becaufe  he  obeyed 
the  dilates  of  nature,  and  wanted  to  be  free.  And 
who  is  there,  that  would  not  have  done  the  fame  thing, 
in  the  fame  fuuation?  Who  is  there,  that  has  once 
known  the  charms  of  liberty,  that  wmuld  not  fly  from 
defpotifm?  i^nd  yet,  by  the  impious  laws  of  the  recei- 
vers^ the  * abfence  of  fix  months  from  the  lalh  of  t)  ran- 
ny  is death. 

But  this  law  is  even  mild,  when  compared  with  another 
againfl;  the  fame  offence,  which  w^as  in  force  fometime 
ago,  and  which  we  fear  is  even  nom  in  force,  in  fome 
of  thofe  colonies  which  this  account  of  the  treatment 
comprehends.  Advertifements  have  frequently  ap- 
peared  there,  offering  a reward  for  the  apprehending 
of  fugitive  flaves  either  alive  or  dead.  The  following 
inflance  was  given  us  by  a perfon  of  unquellionable 
veracity,  under  whofe  own  obfervation  it  fell.  As  he 
was  travelling  in  one  of  the  colonies  alluded  to,  he 

obferved 

* In  this  cafe  he  is  confidered  as  a criminal  againfl  the  flate.  The 
marflMi,  an  officer  anhvering  to  our  ffieriff,  fuperintends  his  executi- 
on, and  the  mafter  receives  the  value  of  the  Have  from  the  publick 
treafury.  We  may  obferve  heie,  that  in  all  cafes  where  the  delin- 
quent is  a criminal  of  the  flate,  he  is  executed,  and  his  value  is  re- 
ceived in  the  fame  manner.  He  is  tried  and  condemned  by  two  or 
three  juflices  of  the  peace,  and  without  any  intervention  of  ajwry. 


OF  THE  liaiMAN  SPECIES.  99 

obferved  fome  people  in  purfuit  of  a poor  wretch, 
“ who  was  feeking  in  the  wildernefs  an  afylum  from  his 
‘‘  labours.  He  beared  the  dilcharge  of  a gun,  and  foon 
afterwards  flopping  at  an  houfe  for  reirefhment,  the 
‘‘  head  of  the  fugitive,  flill  reeking  with  blood,  was 
brought  in  and  laid  upon  a table  with  exultation, 
“ The  produclion  of  fuch  a trophy  was  the  proof  required 
by  law  to  entitle  the  heroes  to  their  reward.’*  Now- 
reader  determine  if  you  can,  who  were  the  mofl  ex- 
ecrable ; the  rulers  of  the  flate  in  authorizing  murder, 
or  the  people  in  being  bribed  to  commit  it. 

This  is  one  of  the  common  confequences  of  that  im- 
moderate fhare  of  labour,  which  is  impofed  upon  them; 
nor  is  that,  which  is  the  refuk  of  a fcanty  allowance  of 
food,  lefs  to  be  lamented.  The  wretched  African  is 
often  fo  deeply  pierced  by  the  excruciating  fangs  of  hun- 
ger, as  almofl  to  be  driven  to  defpair.  What  is  he  to  do 
in  fuch  a trying  fituation?  Let  him  apply  to  the  receivers, 
Alas!  the  majelly  of  receiverjlnp  is  too  facred  for  the  ap- 
peal, and  the  intrufion  would  be  fatal.  Thus  attacked 
on  the  one  hand,  and  fhut  out  from  every  pofTibility  of 
relief  on  the  other,  he  has  only  the'  choice  of  being 
Ifarved,  or  of  relieving  his  neceflities  by  taking  a fmall 
portion  of  the  fruits  of  his  own  labour.  Horrid  crime!  to 
be  found  eating  the  cane,  which  probably  his  own  hands 
have  planted,  and  to  be  eating  it,  becaufe  his  neceflities 
were  prdfing ! This  crime  however  is  of  fuch  a magni- 
tude, as  always  to  be  accompanied  with  the  whip;  and 
fo  unmercifully  has  it  been  applied  on  fuch  an  occafion, 
as  to  have  been  the  caufe,  in  wet  weather,  of  the  delin- 
quent’s death.  But  the  fmart  of  the  w^hip  has  not  been 
the  only  pain  that  the  wretched  Africans  have  experi- 
enced. Any  thing  that  paflTion  could  feize,  and  convert 
into  an  inflirument  of  punifiiment,  has  been  ufed;  and, 
horrid  to  relate!  the  very  knife  has  not  been  overlooked 
in  the  fit  of  phrenzy.  Ears’  have  been  flit,  eyes  have 
been  beaten  out,  and  bones  have  been  broken ; and  fo 
frequently  has  this  been  the  cafe,  that  it  has  been  a mat- 
ter of  conilanc  lamentation  with  difintercited  people, 

who 


100  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

who  out' of  curiofity  have  attended  the  * markets  to  ! 

which  thefe  unhappy  people  weekly  refort,  that  they  ^ 

have  not  been  able  to  turn  their  eyes  on  any  group  of 
them  whateverj  but  they  have  beheld  thefe  inhuman  j 
marks  of  paffion,  defpotifm,  and  caprice. 

But  thefe  inftances  of  barbarity  have  not  been  able  to 
deter  them  from  fimilar  proceedings.  And  indeed,  how 
can  it  be  expected  that  they  fliould?  They  have  hill  the 
fame  appetite  to  be  fatisfied  as  before,  and  to  drive  them 
to  defperation.  They  creep  out  clandeftinely  by  night, 
and  go  in  fearch  of  food  into  their  mafter’s,  or  fome 
neighbouring  plantation.  But  here  they  are  almoft 
equally  fure  of  fulfering.  The  w'atcliman,  who  will  be 
puniflied  himfelf,  if  he  neglects  his  duty,  frequently 
feizes  them  in  the  fad.  No  excule  or  intreaty  will  avail; 
he  muff  punifli  them  for  an  example,  and  he  muft  punifh 
them,  not  with  a flick,  nor  with  a whip,  but  with  a ■ 

cutlafs.  Thus  it  happens,  that  thefe  unhappy  flaves,  if  • 

they  are  taken,  are  either  fent  away  mangled  in  a barba- 
rous manner,  or  are  killed  upon  the  fpot. 

We  may  now  mention  the  confequences  of  the  feveri- 
ty.  The  wretched  Africans,  daily  fubjeded  to  the  lafh, 
and  unmercifully  whipt  and  beaten  on  every  trifling  oc- 
cafion,  have  been  found  to  refifl  their  oppofers.  Un- 
pardonable crime!  that  they  fhould  have  the  feelings  of 
nature!  that  their  breads  fhould  glow  with  refentment 
on  an  injury!  that  they  fnould  be  fo  far  overcome,  as  to 
refift  thofe,  whom  they  are  under  no  obligation  to  cbey^  and 
w’hofe  only  title  to  their  fervices  confifls  in  a ‘violation  of  the 
rights  of  men!  'What  has  been  th.e  confequences  ? But  here 
let  us  fpare  the  feelings  of  the  reader,  (we  vvifli  we  could 
fpare  our  owri)  and  let  us  only  fay,  without  a recital  of 
the  cruelty,  that  they  have  been  murdered  at  the  diferetion 
of  their  maflers.  For  let  the  reader  obferve,  that  the  life 
of  an  African  is  only  valued  at  a price,  that  would 

fcarcely 

Particularly  in  Jamaica.  Thafc  obfervations  were  made  by  dif- 
interefted  people,  who  were  there  for  three  or  four  years  during 
the  late  war. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  ioi 

fcarcely  purchafe  an  horfe;  that  the  mafter  has  a power 
of  murdering  his  Have,  if  he  pays  but  a trifling  fine; 
and  that  the  murder  muff  be  attended  with  uncommon 
circumftances  of  horrour,  if  it  even  produces  an  inqui- 
ry- 

immortal  Alfred!  father  of  our  invaluable  conflituti- 
on!  parent  of  the  civil  bleflings  we  enjoy!  how  ought 
thy  laws  to  excite  our  love  and  veneration,  who  hafl  for- 
bidden us,  thy  poflerity,  to  tremble  at  the  frown  of  ty- 
rants! how  ought  they  to  perpetuate  thy  name,  as  ve- 
nerable, to  the  remotefl  ages,  who  has  fecured,  even 
to  the  meaneft  fervant,  a fair  and  impartial  trial!  blow 
much  does  nature  approve  thy  laws,  as  confiftent  with 
her  own  feelings,  while  fhe  ablolutely  turns  pale,  trem- 
bles, and  recoils,  at  the  inflitutions  of  thefe  receivers! 
Execrable  men!  you  do  not  murder  the  horfe,  on  which 
you  only  ride;  you  do  not  mutilate  the  cow,  which  on- 
ly affords  you  her  milk;  you  do  not  torture  the  dog, 
which  is  but  a partial  fervant  of  your  pleafures:  but  thefe 
unfortunate  men,  from  whom  you  derive  your  very 
pleafures  and  your  fortunes,  you  torture,  mutilate,  mur- 
der at  difcretion!  Sleep  then  you  receivers^  if  you  can, 
while  you  fcarcely  allow  thefe  unfortunate  people  to  reft 
at  all!  feafl  if  you  can,  and  indulge  your  genius,  while 
you  daily  apply  to  thefe  unfortunate  people  the  flings 
of  feverity  and  hunger!  exult  in  riches,  at  which  even 
avarice  ought  to  fhudder,  and  which  humanity  muff 
detefl! 


C II  /i  ■ P.  V. 

Some  people  may  fuppofe,  from  the  melancrioly  ac- 
count that  has  been  given  in  the  preceding  chapter,  that 
we  have  been  abfolutely  dealing  in  romance:  that  the 
fcene  exhibited  is  rather  a dreary  picture  of  the  imagina- 
tion, than  a reprefeiuation  of  fa£l.  Would  to  heaven, 
for  the  honour  of  human  nature,  that  this  were  really 
the  cafe!  We  wifh  we  could  fay,  that  we  have  no  tefli- 
mony  to  produce  for  any  of  our  affertions,  and  that  our 

defciiption 


102  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

defcription  of  the  general  treatment  of  Haves  has  been 
greatly  exaggerated. 

But  the  receivers^  notwithftanding  the  ample  and  dif- 
interelted  evidence,  that  can  be  brought  on  the  occafion, 
do  not  admit  the  defcription  to  be  true.  They  fay  firft, 
‘‘  that  if  the  flavery  were  fuch  as  has  been  now  repre- 
fenced,  no  human  being  could  poffibly  fupport  it 
long/’  Melancholy  truth!  the  wretched  Africans  ge- 
nerally perilh  in  their  prime.  Let  them  reflecl  upon  the 
prodigious  fupplies  that  are  annually  required,  and  their 
argument  will  be  nothing  lefs  than  a confellion,  that  the 
flavery  has  been  juftly  depicted. 

They  appeal  next  to  every  man’s  own  reafon,  and 
defire  him  to  think  ferioufly,  whether  felf-interefl: 
will  not  always  reflrain  the  mafter  from  acts  of  cruel- 
ty  to  the  Have,  and  whether  fuch  accounts  therefore, 
as  the  foregoing,  do  not  contain  wdthin  themfelves, 
their  own  refutation.”  We  anfwer,  “ No.”  For  if 
this  reflraining  principle  be  as  powerful  as  it  is  imagin- 
ed, why  does  not  the  general  condud:  of  men  aflbrd 
us  a better  pidure?  What  is  imprudence,  or  what  is 
vice,  but  a departure  from  every  man’s  own  intereft, 
and  yet  thefe  are  the  chara(^erifl;icks  of  more  than  half 
the  world? 

— But,  to  come  more  clofely  to  the  prefent  cafe,  felf- 
intereft  will  be  found  but  a weak  barrier  againfl:  the  fallies 
ot  pajfion:  particularly  where  it  has  been  daily  indulged 
in  its  greatefl:  latitude,  and  there  are  no  laws  to  reflrain 
its  calamitous  effeefs.  If  the  obfervation  be  true,  that 
palTion  is  a fliort  madnefs,  then  it  is  evident  that  lelf- 
interefl,  and  every  other  confideration,  mufl  be  lofl,  fo 
long  as  it  continues.  We  cannot  have  a flronger  inflance 
of  this,  than  in  a circu inflance  related  in  the  fecond 
part  of  this  Eflay,  that  though  the  Africans  have 
gone  to  war  for  the  ex:>refs  purpofc  of  procuring  flaves, 
yet  fo  great  has  been  their  refentment  at  the  refiflance 
they  have  frequently  found,  that  their  paJTion  has  entirely 
got  the  better  of  their  intereft^  and  they  have  murdered 
all  without  any  diferimination,  either  of  age  or  fex.” 
Such  may  be  prefumed  'to  be  the  cafe  wdth  the  no  lefs 

favage 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  loj 

favage  receivers,  ImprdTed  with  the  moft  haughty  and 
tyrannical  notions,  eafily  provoked,  accuftomed  to  in- 
dulge their  anger,  and,  above  all,  habituated  to  fcenes 
of  cruelty,  and  unawed  by  the  fear  of  laws,  they  will 
hardly  be  found  to  be  exempt  from  the  common  fail- 
ings of  human  nature,  and  to  fpare  an  unlucky  Have, 
at  a time  when  men  of  a cooler  temper,  and  better 
regulated  pafiions,  are  fo  frequently  blind  to  their  own 
intereft. 

But  if  pajpon  may  be  fuppofed  to  be  generally  more 
than  a balance  for  intereft^  how  muff  the  fcale  be  turn- 
ed in  favour  of  the  melancholy  pi6lure  exhibited,  when 
we  refled  that  felf-prefervadon  additionally  fteps  in,  and 
demands  the  mofl:  rigorous  feverity.  For  when  we  con- 
fider  that  where  there  none  inafter,  there  are  ffty  flaves; 
that  the  latter  have  been  all  forcibly  torn  from  their 
country,  and  are  retained  in  their  prefent  fituation  by 
violence;  that  they  are  perpetually  at  war  in  their  hearts 
with  their  oppreflbrs,  and  are  continually  cherifhing  the 
feeds  of  revenge;  it  is  evident  that  even  avarice  herfelf, 
however  cool  and  deliberate,  however  free  from  paf- 
fion  and  caprice,  muft:  facrihce  her  own  fordid  feelings,  and 
adopt  a fyilem  of  tyranny  and  opprefTion,  which  it  muft 
be  ruinous  to  purfue. 

Thus  then,  if  no  pidure  had  been  drawn  of  the  fitua* 
tion  of  flaves,  and  it  had  been  left  folely  to  every  man's 
fober  judgment  to  determine,  what  it  might  probably 
be,  he  would  conclude,  that  if  the  fituation  were  jiifl:- 
ly  defcribed,  the  page  muft  be  frequently  ftained  with 
ads  of  uncommon  cruelty. 

It  remains  only  to  make  a reply  to  an  objedion,  that 
is  ufually  advanced  againft  particular  inftances  of  cruel- 
ty to  Haves,  as  recorded  by  various  writers.  It  is  faid 
that  fome  of  thefe  are  fo  inconceivably,  and  beyond 
“ all  example  inhuman,  that  their  very  excefs  above  the 
common  meafure  of  cruelty  fhews  them  at  once  ex- 
aggerated  and  incredible.”  But  their  credibility^  fhali 
be  eftimated  by  a fuppofition.  Let  us  fuppofe  that  the 
following  inftance  had  been  recorded  by  a writer  of  the 
highcft  reputation,  that  the  mafter  of  a fhip,. bound 

t© 


104  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

“ to  the  weftern  colonies  with  haves,  on  a prdumption 
that  many  of  them  would  die,  fele<fted  an  hundred 
and  thirty  two  of  the  mod  hckly,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  thrown  into  the  Tea,  to  recover  their  value  from 
the  infurers,  and,  above  all,  that  the  fatal  order  was 
put  into  execution.”  What  would  the  reader  have 
thought  on  the  occafion?  Would  be  have  believed  the 
fad?  Ic  would  have  furely  daggered  his  faith;  becaufe 
he  could  never  have  heard  that  any  one  man  ever  w^as,  and 
could  never  have  fiippofed  that  any  one  man  ever  could 
be,  guilty  of  the  murder  of  fuch  a 7iumber  of  his  fellow 
creatures.  But  when  he  is  informed  that  fuch  a fad  as 
this  came  before  * a court  of  judice  in  this  very  coun- 
try^ that  it  happened  within  the  lad  five  years;  that 
hundreds  can  come  forwards  and  fay,  that  they  heard 
the  melancholy  evidence  with  tears;  what  bounds  is  he 
to  place  to  his  belief?  The  great  God,  who  looks  down 
upon  all  his  creatures  with  the  fame  impartial  eye,  feems 
to  have  infatuated  the  parties  concerned,  that  they  might 
bring  the  horrid  circumdance  to  light,  that  it  might  be 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  a publick  court,  as  an  authen- 
tick  fpecimen  of  the  treatment  which  the  unfortunate 
Africans  undergo,  and  at  the  fame  time,  as  an  argu- 
ment to  fliew,  that  there  is  no  fpecies  of  cruelty,  that  is 
recorded  to  have  been  exercifed  upon  thefe  wretched 
people,  fo  enormous  that  it  may  not  readily  be  believed* 

C II  A P.  VI. 

If  the  treatment  then,  as  before  deferibed,  is  con- 
firmed by  reafon,.  and  the  great  credit  that  is  due  to 
difintereded  writers  on  the  fubjecl;  if  the  unfortunate 
Africans  are  ufed,  as  if  their  flefh  were  done,  and  their 
vitals  brafs;  by  what  arguments  do  you  receivers  defend 
your  conduct? 

You 

The  aTion  was  brought  by  the  owners  againft  the  under-wri- 
ters, to  recover  the  value  of  the  murdered  flaves.  It  was  tried  at 
Guildhall. 


(DF  TtiE  Human  Species.  105 

You  fay  that  a great  part  of  your  favage  treatment 
confills  in  punifhment  for  real  offences,  and  frequently 
for  fuch  offences,  as  all  civilized  nations  have  concurred 
in  punifhing.  The  firft  charge  that  you  exhibit  againfl 
them  is  fpecifick,  it  is  that  of  theft.  But  how  much 
rather  ought  you  receivers  to  blufli,  who  reduce  them 
to  fuch  a fuuation ! who  reduce  them  to  the  dreadful 
alternative,  that  they  mull;  either  Jieal  or  perijh!  How 
much  rather  ought  you  receivers  to  be  confidered  as  rob- 
bers  yourfelves,  who  caufe  thefe  unfortunate  people  to 
be  Jiolen!  And  how  much  greater  is  your  crime,  who 
are  robbers  of  human  liberty! 

The  next  charge  which  you  exhibit  againfl  them,  is 
general,  it  is  that  of  rebellion ; a crime  of  fuch  a lati- 
tude, that  you  can  impofe  it  upon  almofl  every  adion, 
and  of  fuch  a nature,  that  you  always  annex  to  it  the 
mofl  excruciating  pain.  But  what  a contradidlion  is  this 
to  common  fenfe!  Have  the  wretched  Africans  formally 
refigned  their  freedom?  Have  you  any  other  claim  upon 
their  obedience,  than  that  of  force?  If  then  they  are 
your  fubjedts,  you  violate  the  laws  of  government,  by 
making  them  unhappy.  But  if  they  are  not  your  fub- 
jecls,  then,  even  though  they  fliould  refift  your  proceed- 
iUgs,  they  are  not  rebellious. 

But  what  do  you  fay  to  that  long  catalogue  of  of- 
fences, which  you  punifh,  and  of  which  no  people  but 
yourfelves  take  cognizance  at  all?  You  fay  that  the  wif- 
dom  of  legiflation  has  inferted  it  in  the  colonial  laws, 
and  that  you  punifh  by  authority.  But  do  you  allude 
to  that  execrable  code,  that  authorifes  murderf  that 
tempts  an  unofFended  perfon  to  kill  the  Have,  that  ab- 
hors and  flies  your  fervice?  that  delegates  a power, 
which  no  hoft  of  men,  which  not  all  the  world,  can 
polTefs?-'  — 

Or, — What  do  you  fay  to  that  daily  unmerited  feve- 
rity^  which  you  confider  only  as  common  difcipline? 
Here  you  fay  that  the  Africans  are  vicious,  that  they  are 
all  of  them  ill-diTpofed,  that  you  muft  of  necefhty  be 
fevere.  But  can  they  be  welhdifpofed  to  their  oppreff- 
ors?  In  their  own  country  they  were  jufl,  generous, 
O hofpitable : 


io6  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

hofpitable:  qualities,  which  all  the  African  hiftorians  al^ 
low  them  eminently  to  pofiefs.  If  then  they  are  vicious, 
they  muft  have  contra^Ied  many  of  their  vices  from  your- 
felves;  and  as  to  their  own  native  vices,  if  any  have 
been  imported  with  them,  are  they  not  amiable,  when 
compared  with  yours? 

Thus  then  do  the  excufes,  which  have  been  hitherto 
made  by  the  receivers^  force  a relation  of  fuch  circum- 
flances,  as  makes  their  condu<^  totally  inexcufable,  and, 
inftead  of  diminifliing  at  all,  highly  aggravates  their 
guilt. 

CHAP.  VII. 

We  come  now  to  that  other  fyftem  of  reafoning, 
which  is  always  applied,  when  the  former  is  confuted; 
‘‘  that  the  Africans  are  an  inferiour  link  of  the  chain  of 
nature,  and  are  made  for  flavery.^’ 

This  aflertion  is  proved  by  two  arguments;  the  firfl: 
of  which  was  advanced  alfo  by  the  ancients,  and  is 
drawn  from  the  inferiority  of  their  capacities. 

Let  us  allow  then  for  a moment,  that  they  appear  to 
have  no  parts,  that  they  appear  to  be  void  of  under- 
flanding.  And  is  this  wonderful,  when  you  receivers 
deprefs  their  fenfes  by  hunger?  Is  this  wonderful,  when 
by  inceflant  labour,  the  continual  application  of  the  lafh, 
and  the  mofl  inhuman  treatment  that  imagination  can 
devife,  you  overwhelm  their  genius,  and  hinder  it  from 
breaking  forth? — No, — You  confound  their  abilities  by 
the  feverity  of  their  fervitude:  for  as  a fpark  of  fire,  if 
cruflied  by  too  great  a weight  of  incumbent  fuel,  cannot 
be  blown  into  a flame,  but  fuddenly  expires,  fo  the  hu- 
man mind,  if  deprefled  by  rigorous  fervitude,  cannot 
be  excited  to  a difplay  of  ihofe  faculties,  which  might 
otherwife  have  llione  with  the  brighteft  luflre. 

Neither  is  it  wonderful  in  another  point  of  view.  For 
what  is  it  that  awakens  the  abilities  of  men,  and  diftin- 
guilhes  them  from  the  common  herd?  Is  it  not  often  the 
amiable  hope  of  becoming  ferviceable  to  individuals,  or 
the  ffate?  Is  it  not  often  the  hope  of  riches,  or  of  pow- 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  107 

er?  Is  it  not  frequently  the  hope  of  temporary  honours, 
or  a lading  fame?  Thefe  principles  have  all  a wonderful 
elfed  upon  the  mind*  They  call  upon  it  to  exert  its 
faculties,  and  bring  thofe  talents  to  the  publick  view, 
which  had  otherwife  been  concealed.  But  the  unfortu- 
nate Africans  have  no  fuch  incitements  as  thefe,  that 
they  Ihould  (hew  their  genius.  They  have  no  hope  of 
riches,  power,  honours,  fame.  They  have  no  hope  but 
this,  that  their  niiferies  will  be  foon  terminated  by 
death. 

And  here  we  cannot  but  cenfure  and  expofe  the  mur- 
murings  of  the  unthinking  and  the  gay;  who,  going  on 
in  a continual  round  of  plealure  and  profperity,  repine 
at  the  .will  of  Providence,  as  exhibited  in  the  Ihortnefs 
of  human  duration.  But  let  a weak  and  infirm  old  age 
overtake  them:  let  them  experience  calamities:  let  them 
feel  but  half  the  miferies  which  the  wretched  Africans 
undergo,  and  they  .will  praife  the  goodnefs  of  Provi- 
dence, who  hath  made  them  mortal;  who  hath  prefcrib- 
ed  certain  ordinary  bounds  to  the  life  of  man ; and  who, 
by  fuch  a limitation,  hath  given  all  men  this  comforta- 
ble hope,  that  how^ever  perfecuted  in  life,  a time  will 
come,  in  the  common  courfe  of  nature,  when  their  fuf- 
ferings  will  have  an  end. 

Such  then  is  the  nature  of  this  fervitude,  that  we  can 
hardly  exped  to  find  in  thofe,  who  undergo  it,  even  the 
glimpfe  of  genius.  For  if  their  minds  are  in  a continu- 
al (fate  of  depreflion,  and  if  they  have  no  expedations 
in  life  to  awaken  their  abilities,  and  make  them  eminent, 
we  cannot  be  furprized  if  a fulien  gloomy  flupidity  fhculd 
be  the  leading  mark  in  their  charrcier;  or  if  they  fhould 
appear  inferiour  to  thofe,  who  do  not  only  enjoy  the  in- 
valuable bleffings  of  freedom,  but  have  every  profped 
before  their  eyes,  that  can  allure  them  to  exert  their  fa- 
culties. Now,  if  to  thefe  confiderations  we  add,  that 
the  wretched  Africans  are  torn  from  their  country  in  a 
flate  of  nature,  and  that  in  general,  as  long  as  their 
flavery  continues,  every  obllacle  is  placed  in  the  way  of 
their  improvement,  we  fhall  have  a fufficient  anfwer  to 
any  argument  that  may  be  drawn  from  the  inferiority  of 
their  capacities. 


io8  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce  ^ 

It  appears  then  from  the  circumftances  that  have  been 
mentioned,  that  to  form  a true  judgment  of  the  abilities 
of  thefe  unfortunate  people,  we  muft  either  take  a ge- 
neral view  of  them  before  their  llavery  commences,  or 
confine  our  attention  to  fuch,  as,  after  it  has  commenced, 
have  had  any  opportunity  given  them  of  fhewing  their 
genius  either  in  arts  or  letters.  If,  upon  fuch  a fair  and 
impartial  view,  there  lliould  be  any  reafon  to  fuppofe, 
that  they  are  at  all  inferiour  to  others  in  the  fame  fitua- 
tion,  the  argument  will  then  gain  fome  of  that  w^eight 
and  importance,  which  it  wants  at  prefent. 

In  their  own  country,  where  we  are  to  fee  them  firft, 
we  muft  exped  that  the  profpe£t  will  be  unfavourable. 
They  are  moflly  in  a favage  flate.  Their  powers  of  mind 
are  limited  to  few  objects.  Their  ideas  are  confequently 
few.  It  appears,  however,  that  they  follow  the  fame 
mode  of  life,  and  exercife  the  fame  arts,  as  the  ancef- 
tors  of  thofe  very  Europeans,  who  boaft  of  their  great 
fuperiority,  are  defcribed  to  have  done  in  the  fame  un- 
cultivated date.  This  appears  from  the  Nubian’s  Geo- 
graphy, the  writings  of  Leo,  the  Moor,  and  all  the  fub- 
fequent  hiftories,  which  thofe,  who  have  vifited  the  Afri- 
can continent,  have  written  from  their  own  infpe6fion. 
Elence  three  conclufions;  that  their  abilities  are  fufficient: 
for  their  fituation ; — that  they  are  as  great,  as  thofe  of 
other  people  have  been,  in  the  fame  ftage  of  fociety ; — 
and  that  they  are  as  great  as  thofe  of  any  civilized  peo- 
ple whatever,  when  the  degree  of  the  barbarifm  of  the 
one  is  drawn  into  a comparifon  w^ith  that  of  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  other. 

Let  us  now  follow  them  to  the  colonies.  They  are 
carried  over  in  the  unfavourable  fituation  defcribed.  It 
is  obferved  here,  that  though  their  abilities  cannot  be 
effimated  high,  from  a want  of  cultivation,  they  are 
yet  various,  and  that  they  vary  in  proportion  as  the  na- 
tion, from  which  they  have  been  brought,  has  advanced 
more  or  lefs  in  the  fcale  of  focial  life.  This  obfervation, 
\vhich  is  fo  frequently  made,  is  of  great  importance:  for  ^ 
if  their  abilities  expand  in  proportion  to  the  improve- 
ment 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  109 

ment  of  their  ftate,  it  is  a clear  indication,  that  if  they 
were  equally  improved,  they  would  be  equally  ingeni- 
ous. 

But  here,  before  we  confider  any  opportunities  that 
may  be  afforded  them,  let  it  be  remembered  that  even 
their  mod  poliflied  fnuation  may  be  called  barbarous, 
and  that  this  circumftance,  fhouid  they  appear  lefs  do- 
cile than  others,  may  be  confidered  as  a fufficient  anfwer 
to  any  objection  that  may  be  made  to  their  capacities. 
Notwithdanding  this,  when  they  are  put  to  the  mechani- 
cal arts,  they  do  not  difcover  a want  of  ingenuity. — 
They  attain  them  in  as  fliort  a time  as  the  Europeans, 
and  arrive  at  a degree  of  excellence  equal  to  that  of  their 
teachers.  This  is  a fad,  aimed  univerfally  known,  and 
affords  us  this  proof,  that  having  learned  with  facility 
fuch  of  the  mechanical  arts,  as  they  have  been  taught, 
they  are  capable  of  attaining  any  other,  at  lead,  of  the 
fame  clafs,  if  they  diouid  receive  but  the  fame  indruc- 
tion. 

With  refped  to  the  liberal  arts,  their  proficiency  is 
certainly  lefs;  but  not  lefs  in  proportion  to  their  time 
and  opportunity  of  dudy;  not  lefs,  becaufe  they  are  lefs 
capable  of  attaining  them,  but  becaufe  they  have  feldom 
or  ever  an  opportunity  of  learning  them  at  all.  It  is  yet 
extraordinary  that  their  talents  appear,  even  in  fome  of 
thefe  fciences,  in  which  they  are  totally  uninftruded. 
Their  abilities  in  mufick  are  fuch,  as  to  have  been  ge- 
nerally noticed.  They  play  frequently  upon  a variety  of 
indrurnents,  without  any  other  aliidance  than  their  own 
ingenuity.  They  have  alfo  tunes  of  their  own  compofi- 
tion.  Some  pf  thefe  have  been  imported  among  us; 
are  now  in  ufe;  and  are  admired  for  their  fprightlinefs 
and  eafe,  though  the  ungenerous  and  prejudiced  impor- 
ter has  concealed  their  original. 

Neither  are  their  talents  in  poetry  lefs  confpicuous. 
Every  occurrence,  if  their  fpirits  arc  not  too  greatly  de- 
preffed,  is  turned  into  a fong.  I hefe  fongs  are  faid  to 
be  incoherent  and  nonfenfical.  But  this  proceeds  prin- 
cipally from  two  caufes,  an  improper  conjundion  of 
words,  arifing  from  an  ignorance  of  the  language  in 

which 


no 


On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 


which  they  compofe;  and  a wildnefs  of  thought,  arifing 
from  the  different  manner,  in  which  the  organs  of  rude 
and  civilized  people  will  be  (truck  by  the  fame  objeft. 
And  as  to  their  want  of  harmony  and  rhyme,  which  is 
the  lail  objection,  the  difference  of  pronunciation  is  the 
caufe.  Upon  the  whole,  as  they  are  perfedly  confiftent 
with  their  own  ideas,  and  are  ftridly  mufical  as  pro- 
nouheed  by  themfelves,  they  afford  us  as  high  a proof 
of  their  poetical  powers,  as  the  works  of  the  moft  ac- 
knowledged poets. 

But  where  thefe  impediments  have  been  removed, 
where  they  have  received  an  education,  and  have  known 
and  pronounced  the  language  with  propriety,  thefe  de- 
feds  have  vaniflied,  and  their  productions  have  been  lefs 
objectionable.  For  a proof  of  this,  we  appeal  to  the 
writings  of  an  * African  girl,  who  made  no  contemp- 
tible appearance  in  this  fpecies  of  compofition.  She  was 
kidnapped  when  only  eight  years  old,  and,  in  the  year 
1761,  was  tranfported  to  America,  where  fhe  was  Ibid 
with  other  (laves.  She  had  no  fchool  education  there, 
but  receiving  feme  little  inftruction  from  the  family, 
with  whom  (he  was  fo  fortunate  as  to  live,  (he  obtained 
fuch  a knowledge  of  the  Engli(h  language  within  (ixteen 
months  from  the  time  of  her  arrival,  as  to  be  able  to 
fpeak  it  and  read  it  to  the  aftonifhment  of  thofe  who 
heard  her.  She  foon  afterwards  learned  to  w’rite,  and, 
having  a great  inclination  to  learn  the  Latin  tongue,  (he 
was  indulged  by  her  maffer,  and  made  a progrefs.  Her 
Poetical  works  were  publilhed  with  his  permiffion,  in  the 
year  1773.  They  contain  thirty-eight  pieces  on  different 
fubjeds.  We  (hall  beg  leave  to  make  a (liort  extrad 
from  two  or  three  of  them,  for  the  obfervation  of  the 
reader. 

From 


^ Phillis  Wheatley,  negro  Have  to  Mr.  John  Wheatley,  of  Bo- 
flon,  in  Nevv-England. 


OF  THE  Human  Species. 


m 


* From  an  Hymn  to  the  Evening. 

“ Fill’d  with  the  praife  of  him  who  gives  the  light, 
“ And  draws  the  fable  curtains  of  the  night, 

“ Let  placid  {lumbers  footh  each  weary  mind, 

“ At  morn  to  wake  more  heav’nly  and  refin’d; 

“ So  iliall  the  labours  of  the  day  begin, 

“ More  pure  and  guarded  from  the  fnares  of  lin. 

&c.  &c. 


From  an  Hymn  to  the  Morning. 

“ Aurora  hail!  and  all  the  thoufand  dies, 

“ That  deck  thy  progrcfs  through  the  vaulted  Ikies! 
“ The  morn  awakes,  and  wide  extends  her  rays, 

‘‘  On  ev’ry  leaf  the  gentle  zephyr  plays. 

‘‘  Harmonious  lays  the  feather’s  race  refume, 

“ Dart  the  bright  eye,  and  Ikake  the  painted  plume. 
— " &c.  &c. 


From  Thoughts  on  Imagination. 

Now  here,  now  there,  the  roving  fancj  flies, 

“ Till  fome  lov’d  objeft  ftrikes  her  wand’ring  eyes, 

“ Whofe  filken  fetters  all  the  fenfes  bind, 

‘‘  And  foft  captivity  involves  the  mind. 

Imagination ! 


* Left  it  Ihould  be  doubted  whether  thefe  Poems  are  genuine, 
we  lhall  tranfcribe  the  names  of  thofe,  who  figned  a certificate  of 
their  authenticity. 

His  Excellency  Thomas  Hutchinfon,  Governor.  . 

The  Honourable  Andrew  Oliver,  Lieutenant  Governor. 


The  Hon.  Thomas  Hubbard, 
The  Hon.  John  Erving, 

The  Hon.  James  Pitts, 

The  Hon.  Harrifon  Gray, 
The  Hon.  James  Bowdoin, 
John  Hancock,  Efq. 

Jofeph  Green,  Efq. 

Richard  Carey,. Efq. 


The  Rev.  Cha.  Chauncy,  D.  D. 
The  Rev.  Mather  Byles,  D.  D.  ' 
The  Rev.  Ed.  Pemberton.  D.  D: 
The  Rev.  Andrew  Elliot,  D.  D. 
The  Rev.  Sam.  Cooper,  D.  D. 
The  Rev.  bamuel  Mather, 

The  Rev.  John  Moorhead, 

Mr.  John  Wheatley,  her  Mafter. 


Ill  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

Imagination!  who  can  fing  thy  force, 

“ Or  who  dcfciibe  the  fwiftnefs  of  thy  courfe? 
Soaring  through  air  to  find  the  bright  abode, 

^ h’  em{5^n-eal  palace  of  the  thund’ring  God, 

We  on  thy  pinions  "“can  furpafs  the  wind, 

And  leave  the  rolling  univerfe  behind  : 

From  fiar  to  flar  the  mental  optiefis  rove, 
Meafure  the  fkies,  and  range  the  realms  above. 
There  in  one  view  we  grafp  the  mighty  whole, 
Or  with  new  worlds  amaze  th’  unbounded  foul. 
&c.  &c. 


Such  is  the  poetry  which  we  produce  as  a proof  of 
our  affertions.  How  far  it  has  fucceeded,  the  reader 
may  by  this  time  have  determined  in  his  own  mind. — 
We  (hall  therefore  only  beg  leave  to  accompany  it  with 
this  obfervation,  that  if  the  authorefs  -was  deftgned  for 
flavery^  (as  the  argument  muft  confefs)  the  greater  part 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Britain  mud  lofe  their  claim  to 
freedom. 

To  this  poetry  we  (hall  only  add,  as  a farther  proof 
of  their  abilities,  the  Profe  compofitions  of  Ignatius 
Sancho,  who  received  fome  little  education.  His  letters 
are  too  wxll  known,  to  make  any  extraft,  or  indeed  any 
farther  mention  of  him,  necelTary.  If  other  examples 
ol  African  genius  (hould  be  required,  fuffice  it  to  fay, 
that  they  can  be  produced  in  abundance;  and  that  if  we 
were  allo-wed  to  enumerate  inftances  of  African  grati- 
tude, patience,  fidelity,  honour,  as  fo  many  inftances  of 
good  fenfe,  and  a found  underftanding,  w'e  fear  that  thou- 
fands  of  the  enlightened  Europeans  would  have  occafion 
to  blufh. 

But  an  objedion  w^ill  be  made  here,  that  the  two  per- 
fons  whom  we  have  particularized  by  name,  are  prodi- 
gies, and  that  if  we  were  to  live  for  many  years,  we 
Ihould  fcarcely  meet  with  two  other  Africans  of  the  fame 
defeription.  But  we  reply,  that  confidering  their  fitua- 
tion  as  before  deferibed,  two  perfons,  above  mediocrity 
in  the  literary  way,  are  as  many  as  can  be  expedled  with- 
in a certain  period  of  years;  and  farther,  that  if  thefe 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  I£3 

are  prodigies,  they  are  only  fuch  prodigies  as  every  day 
would  produce,  if  they  had  the  fame  opportunities  of 
acquiring  knowledge  as  other  people,  and  the  fame  ex- 
pedations  in  life  to  excite  their  genius.  This  has  been 
conftantly  and  folemnly  aiferted  by  the  pious  Benezet,  | 
whom  we  have  mentioned  before,  as  having  devoted  a 
confiderable  part  of  his  time  to  their  inftruftion.  This 
great  man,  for  we  cannot  but  mention  him  with  vene- 
ration, had  a better  opportunity  of  knowing  them  than 
any  perfon  whatever,  and  he  always  uniformly  declared, 
that  he  could  never  find  a difference  between  their  capa- 
cities and  thofe  of  other  people;  that  they  were  as  ca- 
pable of  reafoning  as  any  individual  Europeans;  that 
they  were  as  capable  of  the  higheft  intellectual  attain- 
ments; in  fhort,  that  their  abilities  w^ere  equal,  and  that 
they  only  wanted  to  be  equally  cultivated,  to  afford  fpe* 
cimens  of  as  fine  productions. 

Thus  then  does  it  appear  from  the  teflimony  of  this 
venerable  man,  whofe  authority  is  fufficient  of  itfelf  to 
filence  all  objections  againfl  African  capacity,  and  from 
the  initances  that  have  been  produced,  and  the  obferva- 
tions  that  have  been  made  on  the  occafion,  that  if  the 
minds  of  the  Africans  were  unbroken  by  flavery;  if  they 
had  the  fame  expectations  in  life  as  other  people,  and 
the  fame  opportunities  of  improvement,  they  would  be 
equal,  in  all  the  various  branches  of  fcience,  to  the  Eu- 
ropeans, and  that  the  argument  that  dates  them  to 
“ be  an  inferiour  link  of  the  chain  of  nature,  and  de- 
figned  for  fervitude,”  as  far  as  it  depends  on  the  in- 
feriority of  their  capacities^  is  wholly  malevolent  and 
falfe.  * 


t In  the  Preface. 

* As  to  Mr.  Hume’s  afTertion-s  with  refpecl:  to  African  capacity, 
we  have  pafTed  them  over  in  filence,  as  they  have  been  fo  admirably 
refuted  by  the  learned  Dr.  Beattie,  in  his  EfTay  on  Truth,  to  which 
we  refer  the  reader.  The  whole  of  this  admirable  refutation  ex- 
tends from  p.  458,  to  4^4. 


■ C H A P, 


1 14  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 


CHAP.  VIII. 

The  fecond  argument,  by  which  it  is  attempted  to  be 
proved,  “ that  the  Africans  are  an  inferiour  link  of  the 

chain  of  nature,  and  are  defigned  for  flavery,”  is 
drawn  from  colour,  and  from  thofe  other  marks,  which 
diftinguifli  them  from  the  inhabitants  of  Europe. 

To  prove  this  w^ith  the  greater  facility,  the  receivers 
divide  in  opinion.  Some  of  them  contend  that  the  Afri- 
cans, from  thefe  circumdances,  are  the  defcehdants  of  ^ 
Cain:  others,  that  they  are  the  pofterity  of  Ham;  and 
that  as  it  was  declared  by  divine  infpiration,  that  thefe 
fliould  be  fervants  to  the  reft  of  the  world,  fo  they  are 
defigned  for  flavery;  and  that  the  reducing  of  them  to 
fuch  a fituation  is  only  the  accomplifiiment  of  the  will 
of  heaven:  while  the  reft,  confidering  them  from  the 
fame  circumftancCwS  as  a totally  diftinft  fpecies  of  men, 
conclude  them  to  be  an  inferiour  link  of  the  chain  of 
nature,  and  deduce  the  inference  defcribed. 

To  anfvver  thefe  arguments  in  the  cleareft  and  fulleft: 
manner,  we  are  under  the  necelfity  of  making  two  fup- 
pofitions,  firft,  that  the  fcriptures  are  true;  fecondly, 
that  they  are  falfe. 

If  then  the  fcriptures  are  true,  it  is  evident  that  the 
pofterity  of  Cain  were  extinguilhed  in  the  flood.  Thus 
one  of  the  arguments  is  no  more. 

With’refped  to  the  curfe  of  Ham,  it  appears  alfo  that 
it  was  limited;  that  it  did  not  extend  to  the  pofterity  of 
all  his  fons,  but  only  to  the  f defeendants  of  him  who 
was  cabed  Canaan:  by  which  it  was  foretold  that  the 
Canaanites,  a part  of  the  pofterity  of  Ham,  fliould  ferve 
the  pofterity  of  Shem  and  Japhet.  Now  how  does  it 
appear  that  thefe  wretched  Africans  are  the  defeendants 
of  Canaan? — By  thofe  marks,  it  will  be  faid,  wdiich  dif- 
tinguifh  them  from  the  reft  of  the  world.- -But  where 

are 

* Genefs,  ch.  iv.  15. 
t Genefis,  ch.  ix.  25,  26,  27. 


I OF  THE  Human  Species.  115 

are  thefe  marks  to  be  found  in  the  divine  writings?  In 
I what  page  is  it  faid,  that  the  Canaanites  were  to  be 
known  by  their  colour^  iheir  features^  \Sxt\x  form ^ or  the 
very  hair  of  their  heads,  which  is  brought  into  the  ac- 
count?  But  alas!  fo  far  are  the  divine  writings  from 

giving:  any  fuch  account,  that  they  Ihew  the  affcrtion  to 
be  falfe.  They  fhew  that  the  | defcendants  of  Gu(h 
were  of  the  colour,  to  which  the  advocates  for  llavery 
allude;  and  of  courfe,  that  there  was  no  fuch  limitation 
of  colour  to  the  pofterity  of  Canaan,  or  the  inheritors 
of  the  curfe. 

Suppofe  we  fliould  now  fhew,  upon  the  moft  undeni- 
able evidence,  * that  thofe  of  the  wretched  Africans, 

who 

:j:  Jeremiah  fays,  ch.  xiii.  23,  Can  the  ^Ethiopian  change  his  co- 
lour,  or  the  leopard  his  fpots?”  Now  the  word,  which  is  here 
^ Mthiopian,  is  in  the  original  Hebrew  the  dejcendant  of 

“ (‘uflj,”  which  Ikews  that  this  colour  was  not  confined  to  the  de- 
fcendants  of  ^anaan,  as  the  advocates  for  flavery  affert. 

* It  is  very  extraordinary  that  the  advocates  for  flavery  ikould 
confider  thofe  Africans,  whom  they  call  negroes,  as  the  defcend- 
ants of  ''anaan,  when  few  hiflorical  fadts  can  be  fo  well  afcertained, 
as  that  out  of  the  defcendants  of  the  four  fons  of  Ham,  the  defcend- 
ants of  Canaan  were  the  only  people,  ('if  we  except  the  Carthagini- 
ans, who  were  a colony  of  Canaan,  and  were  afterwards  ruined) 
who  did  not  fettle  in  that  quarter  of  the  globe.  Africa  was  incon- 
trovertibly  peopled  by  the  pollerity  of  the  three  other  fons.  We 
cannot  iTiew  this  in  a clearer  manner,  than  in  the  words  of  the 
learned  Mr.  Bryant,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Granville  Sharp  on  this  fub- 
jedt. 

‘‘  We  learn  from  fcripture,  that  Ham  had  four  fons,  Chus,  Mizra- 
iviy  Phut,  and  Canaan,  Gen.  x.  5,  6.  Canaan  occupied  P-aleJline,  and 
“ the  country  called  by  his  name:  Mizraim,  Egypt:  but  Phut  paffed 
“ deep  into  Africa,  and,  I believe,  moft  of  the  nations  In  that  part  of  the 
“ world  are  defcended  from  him;  at  leaft  more  than  from  any  other 
perfon.”  Jofephiis  fays,  ‘‘  that  Phut  ^vas  the  founder  of  the  nations 
in  Libya,  and  the  people  were  from  him  called  Phuty."  Antiq.  L.  i, 
c.  7.  “ By  Lybia  he  underftands,  as  the  Greeks  did,  Africa  in  gc- 

“ neral;  for  the  paticular  country  called  LyMa  Proper,  was  peopled 
“ by  the  Lubim,  or  Lehabim,  one  of  the  branches  from  Mizraim. 
“ Chrcn.  Pafchale,  p.  29. 

“ The  fons  of  Phut  fettled  in  Mauritania,  where  was  a country 
called  Phutia,  and  a river  of  the  like  denomination.  Mauritanian 

“ Fluviius 


ii6  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

who  are  Tingled  out  as  inheriting  the  curfe,  are  the  de- 
feendants  of  Cufli  or  Phut;  and  that  wx  (hould  Ihew 
farther,  that  but  a fingle  remnant  of  Canaan,  which  was 
afterwards  ruined,  was  ever  in  Africa  at  all, — Here  all 
is  confternation. 

But  unfortunately  again  for  the  argument,  though 
wonderfully  for  the  confirmation  that  the  feriptures  are 
of  divine  original,  the  whole  prophecy  has  been  com- 
pleted. A part  of  the  defeendants  of  Canaan  were 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  and  became  tri- 
butary and  fubjedt  to  the  Ifraelites,  or  the  defeendants 
of  Shem.  The  Greeks  afterwards,  as  well  as  the  Ro- 
mans, who  were  both  the  defeendants  of  Japhet,  not 
only  fubdued  thofe  who  wxre  fettled  in  Syria  and  Pale- 
fline,  but  purfued  and  conquered  all  fuch  as  were  then 
remaining.  Thefe  were  the  Tyrians  and  Carthaginians : 

the 


Fluvius  urque  ad  pr^efens  Tempus  Phut  dicitur,  omnifq;  circa  eimi 
Regio  Phutenfis.  Hieron.  Tradit.  Hebroeae.— Amnem,  quern  vocant 
Fwt”  Pliny,  L.  5.  c.  1 Some  of  this  family  fettled  above  AEgypt, 
near  Ethiopia,  and  were  ftyled  I’roglodyts.  Syncellus,  p.  47. 
Many  of  them  palled  inland,  and  peopled  the  Mediterranean 
“ country.*' 

‘‘  In  procefs  of  time  the  fons  of  Chus  alfo,  (after  their  expulfion 
from  Egypt)  made  fettlements  upon  the  Tea  coaft  of  Africa,  and 
came  into  Mauritania.  Hence  we  find  traces  of  them  alfo  in  the 
“ names  of  places,  fuch  as  Churis,  ' liujares,  upon  the  coaft ; and  3 
river  Chufa,  and  a city  Cotta,  together  wiih  a promontory,  Cotis,, 
‘‘  in  Mauritania,  all  denominated  from  Chiis',  who  at  different  times, 
“ and  by  different  people,  was  called  C/iwr,  Cuth,  Cofi,  and  Cotfr.— 
“ The  river  Ciifa  is  mentioned  by  Pliny,  Lib.  5.  c.  1.  and  by  Ptolo- 
“ ?ny.” 

‘‘  Many  ages  after  thefe  fettlements,  there  was  another  eruption 
of  the  Cufbites  into  thefe  parts,  under  the  name  of  Saracens  and 
‘‘  Moors,  who  over-ran  Africa,  to  the  very  extremity  of  Mount  Atlas. 
‘‘  They  palfed  over  and  conquered  Svain  to  the  north,  and  they  ex- 
tended  therafelves  fouthward,  as  I faid  in  mv  treatife,  to  the  rivers 
“ Senegal  and  Gambia,  and  as  low  as  the  Gold  Coaft.  I mentioned  this, 
becaufe  I do  not  think  that  they  proceeded  much  farther:  moft  of 
“ the  nations  to  the  fouth  being,  as  I imagine,  of  the  race  of  Phut. 

The  very  country  upon  the  river  Gambia  on  one  fide,  is  at  this  day 
“ called  Phiita,  of  which  Bluet,  in  his  liiftory  of  Juba  Ben  Solomon, 


OF  THE  Human  Species*  117 

the  former  of  whom  w^ere  ruined  by  Alexander  and  the 
Greeks,  the  latter  by  Scipio  and  the  Romans. 

It  appears  then  that  the  fecond  argument  is  wholly 
inapplicable  and  falle:  that  it  is  falfe  in  its  application^ 
becaufe  thofe,  who  were  tlie  objects  of  the  curfe,  were 
a totally  diftindi:  people:  that  it  is  falle  in  its  proofs  be- 
caufe no  fuch  diftinguilhing  marks,  as  have  been  fpeci- 
fied,  are  to  be  found  in  the  divine  writings:  and  that,  if 
the  proof  could  be  made  out,  it  would  be  now  inappli- 
cable^ as  the  curfe  has  been  long  completed. 

With  refpedf  to  the  third  argument,  we  muft  now  fup- 
pofe  that  the  fcriptures  are  falfe;  that  mankind  did  not 
all  fpring  from  the  fame  original;  that  there  are  different 
fpecies  of  men.  Now  what  muft  we  juftly  conclude 
from  fuch  a fuppofitlon?  Muft  we  conclude  that  one  fpe- 
cies is  inferiour  to  another,  and  that  the  inferiority  de- 
pends upon  their  colour^  or  their  features^  or  their  form? 
— No — We  muft  now  confult  the  analogy  of  nature, 
and  the  conclufion  v/ill  be  this:  that  as  fhe  tempered 

the  bodies  of  the  different  fpecies  of  men  in  a different 
degree,  to  enable  them  to  endure  the  refpedlive  climates 
of  their  habitation,  fo  flie  gave  them  a variety  of  colour 
and  appearance  with  a like  benevolent  defign.” 

To  lum  up  the  whole.  If  the  fcriptures  are  true,  it 
is  evident  that  the  poflerity  of  Cain  are  no  more;  that 
the  curfe  of  Ham  has  been  accomplifhed;  and  that,  as 
all  men  were  derived  from  the  fame  flock,  fo  this  vari- 
ety of  appearance  in  men  muff  either  have  proceeded 
from  fome  interpofition  of  the  Deity;  or  from  a co-ope- 
ration of  certain  caufes,  which  have  an  effect  upon  the 
human  frame,  and  have  the  power  of  changing  it  more 
or  lefs  from  its  primitive  appearance,  as  they  happen  to 
be  more  or  lefs  numerous  or  powerful  than  thofe,  which 
adled  upon  the  frame  of  man  in  the  firll  feat  of  his  ha- 
bitation. If  from  the  interpofition  of  the  Deity,  then 
we  mull  conclude  that  he,  who  bringeth  good  out  of 
evil,  produced  it  for  their  convenience.  If,  from  the 
co-operation  of  the  caufes  before  related,  what  argu- 
ment may  not  be  found  againfl  any  fociety  of  men,  who 
fhould  happen  to  diifer,  in  the  points  alluded  to,  from 
ourfelves  ? 


ii8  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  fcriptures  are  falfe,  then  it 
IS  evident,  that'there  was  neither  fuch  a perfon  as  Cain^ 
nor  llam^  nor  Canaan  ; and  that  nature  beftowed  fuch 
colour,  features,  and  form,  upon  the  different  fpecies  of 
men,  as  were  befl  adapted  to  their  fituation. 

Thus,  on  which  ever  fuppofition  it  is  founded,  the 
whole  argument  muft  fall.  And  indeed  it  is  impoffible 
that  it  can  hand,  even  in  the  eye  of  common  fenfe. — 
For  if  you  admit  the  form  of  men  as  a juftification  of 
flavery,  you  may  fubjugate  your  own  brother:  if  fea- 
tures^ then  you  muft  quarrel  with  all  the  world:  if  co- 
lour^ where  are  you  to  ftop?  It  is  evident,  that  if  you 
travel  from  the  equator  to  the  northern  pole,  you  will 
find  a regular  gradation  of  colour  from  black  to  white. 
Now  if  you  can  juftly  take  him  for  your  Have,  who  is 
of  the  deepeft  die,  what  hinders  you  from  taking  him 
alfo,  who  only  differs  from  the  former  but  by  a lhade. 
Thus  you  may  proceed,  taking  each  in  a regular  fuccef- 
fion  to  the  poles.  But  who  are  you,  that  thus  take  into 
flavery  fo  many  people?  Where  do  you  live  yourfelf? 
Do  you  live  in  Spain^  or  in  France,  or  in  Britainf  If  in 
either  of  thele  countries,  take  care  left  the  whiter  natives 
of  the  north  fhould  have  a claim  upon  yourfelf. — But  the 
argument  is  too  ridiculous  to  be  farther  noticed. 

Having  now  filenced  the  whole  argument,  we  mi^ht 
immediately  proceed  to  the  difcuftion  of  other  points, 
without  even  declaring  our  opinion  as  to  which  of  the 
fuppofitions  may  be  right,  on  which  it  has  been  refuted; 
but  we  do  not  think  ourfelves  at  liberty  to  do  this.  The 
prefent  age  would  rejoice  to  find  that  the  fcriptures  had 
no  foundation,  and  would  anxioufly  catch  at  the  writings 
of  him,  who  fliould  mention  them  in  a doubtful  man- 
ner. We  fhall  therefore  declare  our  fentiments,  by 
afierting  that  they  are  true,  and  that  all  mankind,  how- 
ever various  their  appearance,  are  derived  from  the  fame 
flock. 

To  prove  this,  we  fhall  not  produce  thofe  innumera- 
ble arguments,  by  which  the  fcriptures  have  flood  the 
tefl  of  ages,  but  advert  to  a fingle  fact.  It  is  an  uni- 
verfal  law,  obfervable  throughout  the  whole  creation, 

that 


OP  THE  Human  Species.  ' 119 

that  if  two  animals  of  a different  fpecies  propagate^  their 
offspring  is  unable  to  continue  its  own  fpecies.  By  this  ad- 
mirable law,  the  different  fpecies  are  preferved  diflindl; 
every  poffibility  of  confufion  is  prevented,  and  the  world- 
is  forbidden  to  be  over-run  by  a race  of  monflers.  Now, 
if  we  apply  this  law  to  thofe  of  the  human  kind,  who 
«re  faid  to  be  of  a diftinct  fpecies  from  each  other,  it 
immediately  fails.  The  mulattoe  is  as  capable  of  conti- 
nuing his  owm  fpecies  as  his  father;  a clear  and  irrefra- 
gable proof,  that  the  f fcripture  account  of  the  creation 
is  true,  and  that  God,  who  hath  made  the  world, 
hath  made  of  * one  blood  all  the  nations  of  men  that 
' dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  earth.” 

But  if  this  be  the  cafe,  it  will  be  faid  that  mankind 
were  originally  of  one  colour;  and  it  will  be  afked  at 
the  fame  time,  what  it  is  probable  that  the  colour  was, 
and  how  they  came  to  affume  fo  various  an  appearance? 
To  each  of  thefe  we  fliall  make  that  reply,  which  we 
conceive  to  be  the  moft  rational. 

As  mankind  v^ere  originally  of  the  fame  flock,  fo  it 
is  evident  that  they  were  originally  of  the  fame  colour. 
But  how  fhall  we  attempt  to  afcertain  it?  Shall  w^e  Eng- 
lijhmen  fay,  that  it  w’as  the  fame  as  that  which  we  now 
find  to  be  peculiar  to  ourfelves? — No — This  would  be 
a vain  and  partial  confidcration,  and  would  betray  our 

judgment 

t-  When  America  was  firfl:  difcovered,  it  was  thought  by  fome, 
that  the  fcripture  account  of  the  creation  was  falfe,  and  that  there 
were  different  fpecies  of.  men,  becaufe  they  could  never  fuppofe 
that  people,  in  fo  rude  a ftate  as  the  Americans,  could  have  tranf- 
ported  Lhemfelves  to  that  continent  from  any  parts  of  the  known 
v/orld.  This  opinion  however  was  refuted  by  the  celebrated  Cap- 
tain Cooke,  who  Ihewed  that  the  trajed  between  the  continents  of 
Afia  and  America,  was  as  Ikort  as  fome,  which  people  in  as  rude 
a ftate  have  been  actually  known  to  pafs.  This  affords  an  excellent 
caution  againft  an  ill-judged  and  hally  cenfure  of  the  divine  writ- 
ings, becaufe  every  difficulty  which  may  be  flatted,  cannot  be  in- 
flantly  cleared  up. 

* The  divine  writings,  which  affert  that  all  men  were  derived 
from  the  fame  flock,  fhew  alfo,  in  the  fame  inflance  of  Cuflj,  p.  115, 
that  fome  of  them  had  changed  their  original  complexion. 


120  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

judgment  to  have  arifen  from  that  falfe  fondncfs,  uhich 
habituates  us  to  fuppofe,  that  every  thing  belonging  to 
ourfelves  is  the  pcrfe^left  ahd  the  belt.  Add  to  this, 
that  we  Ihould  always  be  liable  to  a juft  reproof  from 
every  inhabitant  of  the  globe,  w'hole  colour  was  differ- 
ent from  our  own;  becaufe  he  would  juftly  fay,  that  he 
had  as  good'  a right  to  imagine  that  his  own  was  the  pri- 
mitive colour,  as  that  of  any  other  people. 

How^  then  fhall  wc‘ attempt  to  afeertain  it?  Shall  we 
look  into  the  various  climates  of ' the  earth,  fee  the  co- 
lour that  generally  prevails  in  the  inhabitants  of  each, 
and  apply  the  rule?  This  will  be  certainly  free  frorh  par- 
tiality, and  w^iil  afford  us  a better  profped  of  fuccefs: 
for  as  every  particular  diftri(ft  has  its  particular  colour, 
fo  it  is  evident  that  the  complexion  of  Noah  and  his 
fons,  from  whom  the  reft  of  the  world  were  defeended, 
was  the  fame  as  that,  which  is  peculiar  to  the  country, 
which  was  the  feat  of  their  habitation.  This,  by  fuch  a 
mode  of  decifion,  will  be  found  a dark  olive;  a beauti- 
ful colour,  and  a juft  medium  betw'een  white  and  black. 
That  this  was  the  primitive  colour,  is  highly  probable 
frorh  the  obfervations  that  have  been  made;  and,  if  ad- 
mitted, will  afford  a valuable  leffon  to  the  Europeans, 
to  be  cautious  how  they  deride  thofe  of  the  oppofite 
complexion,  as  there  is  great  reafon  to  prefume,  that 
the  pur  eft  * white  is  as  far  removed  from  the  primitive 
colour  as  the  deepeft  black. 

We  come  now  to  the  grand  queftion,  which  is,  that 
if  mankind  were  originally  of  this  or  any  other  colour, 
how  came  it  to  pafs,  that  they  ftiould  wear  fo  various  an 
appearance?  We  reply,  as  we  have  had  occafion  to  fay 
before,  either  by  tke  interpofition  of  the  Deity ; or  by  a co- 
operation of  certain  caufes^  which  have  an  effect  upon  the 
human  frame^  and  have  the  power  of  changnig  it  more  or 

lefs 

* The  following  are  the  grand  colours  difcernible  in  mankrnd, 
between  which  there  are  many  Ihades ; 

White  p C Copper 

> — Olive — < 


Brown 


Black 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  iii 

lefs  from  its  primitive  appearance^  as  they  are  more  or  lefs 
numerous  or  powerful  than  thoje^  which  aded  upon  the 
frame  of  man  in  the  Jirft  feat  of  his  habitation. 

With  refpecl  to  the  Divine  interpofition,  two  epochs 
have  been  afligned,  when 'this  difference  of  colour  ha^ 
been  imagined  to  have  been  fo  produced*  The  firft  is 
that,  which  has  been  related,  when  the  curfe  was  pro- 
nounced on  a branch  of  the  poflerity  of  Ham,  But  this 
argument  has  been  already  refuted;  for  if  the  particular 
colour  alluded  to  were  afligned  at  this  period,  it  was 
affigned  to  the  defendants  ot  Canaan^  to  diftinguifli  them 
from  thofe  of  his  other  brothers,  and  was  therefore  limited 
to  the  former.  But  the  defendants  of  * Cujh^  as  we 
have  fliewn  before,  partook  of  the  fame  colour;  a clear 
proof,  that  it  was  neither  affigned  to  them  on  this  occa- 
fion,  nor  at  this  period. 

The  fecond  epoch  is  that,  when  mankind  were  dif- 
perfed  on  the  building  of  Babel,  It  has  been  thought^ 
that  both  national  features  and  colour  might  probably  have 
been  given  them  at  this  time,  becaufe  thefe  would  have 
affifted  the  confufion  of  language,  by  caufing  them  to 
difperfe  into  tribes,  and  would  have  united  more  firmly 
the  individuals  of  each,  after  the  difperfion  had  taken 
place.  But  this  is  improbable:  firft,  becaufe  there  is 
great  reafon  to  prefume  that  Mofes,  who  has  mentioned 
the  confufion  of  language,  would  have  mentioned  thefe 
circumftances  alfo,  if  they  had  acfually  contributed  to 
bring  about  fo  fingular  an  event:  fcondly,  becaufe  the 
confufion  of  language  was  fufficient  of  itfelf  to  have 
accomplifhed  this;  and  we  cannot  fuppofe  that  the  Deity 
could  have  done  any  thing  in  vain:  and  thirdly,  becaufe, 
if  mankind  had  been  difperfed,  each  tribe  in  its  peculiar 
hue,  it  is  impoffible  to  conceive,  that  they  could  have 
wandered  and  fettled  in  fuch  a manner,  as  to  exhibit 
that  regular  gradation  of  colour  from  the  equator  to 
the  poles,  fo  confpicuous  at  the  prefent  day. 

Thefe 

* See  note,  p.  115.  To  this  we  may  add,  that  the  reft  of  the 
defeendants  of  Ham,  as  far  as  they  can  be  traced,  are  now  alfo  black, 
as  well  as  many  of  the  defeendants  of  %hem. 


122  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

Thcfe  are  the  only  periods,  which  there  has  been  even 
the  (hadow  of  a probability  for  alligning;  and  we  may 
therefore  conclude  that  the  preceding  obfervaiions,  to- 
gether with  fuch  circumflances  as  will  appear  in  the  pre- 
fenc  chapter,  will  amount  to  a dernonflration,  that  the 
difference  of  colour  was  never  cauled  by  any  interpofi- 
tion  of  the  Deity,  and  that  it  muff  have  proceeded  there- 
fore from,  that  incidental  co-operation  of  caufes^  which  has 
been  before  related. 

What  thefe  caufcs  are,  it  is  out  of  the  power  of  human 
wifdom  pofitiveiy  to  affert:  there  are  fadls,  how'ever, 
vdiich,  if  properly  weighed  and  put  together,  v.'ill  throw 
ccnfiderable  light  upon  the  fubjecl.  Thefe  we  fliall  fub- 
mit  to  the  perufal  of  the  reader,  and  fhall  deduce  from 
them  fuch  inferences  only,  as  almoft  every  perfon  muff 
make  in  his  own  mind,  on  their  recital. 

The  firff  point,  that  occurs  to  be  afcertained,  is. 

What  part  of  the  fkin  is  the  feat  of  colour?*’  The 
old  anatomiffs  ufually  divided  the  fkin  into  two  parts, 
or  lamina;  the  exteriour  and  thinneff,  called  by  the 
Greeks  Epidermis^  by  the  Romans  Ciiticula^  and  hence 
by  us  Cuticle;  and  the  interiour,  called  by  the  former 
Derma^  and  by  the  latter  Cutis ^ or  true  fkin.  Hence  they 
muff  neceffarily  have  fuppofed,  that,  as  the  true  fkin  w^as 
in  every  refpeft  the  fame  in  all  human  fubjeds,  however 
various  their  external  hue,  fo  the  feat  of  colour  muff 
have  ex'ffed  in  the  Cuticle^  or  upper  furface. 

Malphigi,  an  eminent  Italian  phyfician,  of  the  laft 
century,  w’as  the  firff  perfon  who  difeovered  that  the 
fkin  was  divided  into  three  lamina,  or  parts;  the  Cuticle^ 
the  true fiin^  and  a certain  coagulated  fubffance  fituated 
between  both,  which  he  diffinguifhed  by  the  title  of 
Mucofum  Corpus \ a title  retained  by  anatomiffs  to  the 
prefent  day:  which  coagulated  fubffance  adhered  fo  firm- 
ly to  the  Cutic'e^  as,  in  ail  former  anatomical  preparations, 
to  have  come  off  with  it,  and,  from  this  circumffance,  to 
have  led  the  ancient  anatomiffs  to  believe,  that  there  were 
but  two  lamina,  or  divifible  portions  in  the  human  fkin. 

This  difeovery  v/as  fufficient  to  afeertain  the  point  in 
queffion:  for  it  appeared  afterw'ards  that  the  Cudicle^ 

when 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  123 

'when  divided  according  to  this  difcovery  from  the  other 
lamina,  was  femi-tranfparent;  that  the  cuticle  of  the 
blacked  negroe  was  of  the  fame  tranTparency  and  colour, 
as  that  of  the  pured  white;  and  hence,  the  true  /kins 
of  both  being  invariably  the  fame,  that  the  mucofutn 
corpus  was  the  feat  of  colour. 

rhis  has  been  farther  confirmed  by  all  fubfequent 
anatomical  experiments,  by  which  it  appears,  that,  what- 
ever is  the  colour  of  this  intermediate  coagulated  fub- 
llance,  nearly  the  fame  is  the  apparent  colour  of  the  up- 
per furface  of  the  fkin.  Neither  ran  it  be  otherwife  ; 
for  the  Cuticle^  from  its  tranfparency,  mud  necedarily 
tranfmit  the  colour  of  the  fubdance  beneath  it,  in  the 
fame  manner,  though  not  in  the  fame  degree,  as  the 
cornea  tranfmits  the  colour  of  the  iris  of  the  eye.  This 
tranfparency  is  a matter  of  ocular  demondration  in  white 
people.  It  is  confpicuous  in  every  bludi;  for  no  one 
can  imagine,  that  the  cuticle  becomes  red,  as  often  as 
this  happens:  nor  is  it  lefs  difcoverable  in  the  veins, 
which  are  fo  eafy  to  be  difcerned ; for  no  one  can  fup- 
pofe,  that  the  blue  dreaks,  which  he  condantly  fees  in 
the  faired  complexons,  are  painted,  as  it  were,  on  the 
furface  of  the  upper  fkin.  From  thefe,  and  a variety 
of  other  * obfervations,  no  maxim  is  more  true  in  phy- 
fiology,  than  that  on  the  mucojum  corpus  depends  the  colour 
of  the  human  body',  or,  in  other  w^ords,  that  the  mucofum 
corpus  being  of  a different  colour  in  different  inhabitants 
of  the  globe,  and  appearing  through  the  cuticle  or  upper 
furface  of  the  fkin,  gives  them  that  various  appearance, 
which  drikes  us  fo  forcibly  in  contemplating  the  human 
race. 

As  this  can  be  incontrovertibly  afcertained,  it  is  evi- 
dent, 

* Difeafes  have  a great  efFccl  upon  the  mucofum  corpus^  but  parti- 
cularly the  jaundice,  which  turns  it  yellow.  Hence,  being  tranfmitted 
through  the  cuticle,  the  yellow  appearance  of  the  whole  body. — 
But  this,  even  as  a matter  of  ocular  dcmon^b'ation,  is  no'  confined 
folely  to  white  people;  negroes  themfelves,  while  afFecled  with  thefe 
or  other  diforders,  changing  their  black  colour  for  that  which  the 
difeafe  has  conveyed  to  the  mucous  fubftancc. 


J24  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 
dent,  that  whatever  caufes  co-operate  in  producing  this 
different  appearance,  they  produce  it  by  acting  upon  the 
mucofum  corpus^  which,  from  the  almoft  incredible  man- 
ner in  which  the  * cuticle  is  perforated,  is  as  acceffible 
as  the  cuticle  itfelf.  Thefe  caufes  are  probably  thofe 
various  qualities  of  things,  which,  combined  with  the 
influence  of  the  fun,  contribute  to  form  what  we  call 
climate.  For  when  any  perfon  confiders,  that  the  mucous 
fubflance,  before-mentioned,  is  found  to  vary  in  its  co- 
lour, as  the  climates  vary  from  the  equator  to  the  poles, 
his  mind  mufl;  be  inftantly  ftruck  with  the  hypothehs, 
and  he  mufl  adopt  it  without  any  hefitation,  as  the 
genu'ne  caufe  of  the  phenomenon. 

This  fact,  | of  the  variation  of  the  mucous  fuhjlance  ac- 
cording to  the  fiiuation  of  the  platCy  has  been  clearly  afcer- 
tained  in  the  numerous  anatomical  experiments  that  have 
been  made;  in  w^hich,  fubjeds  of  all  nations  have  come 
under  confideration.  The  natives  of  many  of  the  king- 
doms and  Ifles  of  Afta^  are  found  to  have  their  corpus 
mucojum  black.  Thofe  of  Africa^  fituated  near  the  line, 
of  the  fame  colour.  Thofe  of  the  maritime  parts  of  the 
fame  continent,  of  a dufky  brown,  nearly  approaching 
to  it;  and  the  colour  becomes  lighter  or  darker  in  pro- 
portion as  the  diftance  from  the  equator  is  either  greater 
or  lefs.  iTe  Europeans  are  the  faireft  inhabitants  of  the 
world.  Thofe  fituated  in  the  mofl:  fouthern  regions  of 
Europe,  have  in  their  corpus  mucofum  a tinge  of  the  dark 
hue  of  their  African  neighbours:  hence  the  epidcmick 
complexion,  prevalent  among  them,  is  nearly  of  the  co- 
lour of  the  pickled  Spanifli  olive;  while  in  this  country, 
and  thofe  fituated  nearer  the  north  pole,  it  appears  to  be 
nearly,  if  not  abfolutely,  white. 

Thefe 

* The  cutaneous  pores  are  fo  exceiliv^ely  fmall,  that  one  grain  of 
fand,  (according  to  Dr.  Lewenhoeck’s  culculations)  would  cover 
many  hundreds  of  them. 

f We  do  not  mean  to  infinuate  that  the  fame  people  have  their  corpus 
mucofum  fenfibly  vary,  as  often  as  they  go  into  another  latitude,  but 
that  the  fad  is  true  only  of  different  people,  who  have  been  lon^ 
eftabliffed  in  different  latitudes. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  125 

Thefc  are  * fa£ls,  which  anatomy  has  eftablifhed ; and 
we  acknowledge  them  to  be  fuch,  that  we  cannot  dived 
ourfelves  of  the  idea,  that  climate  has  a confiderable 
fliare  in  producing  a difference  of  colour.  Others,  we 
know,  have  invented  other  hypothefes,  but  all  of  them 
have  been  inftantly  refuted,  as  unable  to  explain  the  dif- 
ficulties for  which  they  were  advanced,  and  as  abfolutely 
contrary  to  fa£t;  and  the  inventors  themfelves  have  been 
obliged,  almoft  as  foon  as  they  have  propofed  them, 
to  acknowledge  them  deficient. 

The  only  objedion  of  any  confequence,  that  has  ever 
been  made  to  the  hypothefis  of  climate^  is  this,  that  peo- 
ple wider  the  Jame  parelleis  are  not  exadly  of  the  fame  colour* 
But  this  is  no  objedion  in  fad:  for  it  does  not  follow 
that  thofe  countries,  which  are  at  an  equal  diftance  from 
the  equator,  ihould  have  their  climates  the  fame.  In** 
deed  liotning  is  more  contrary  to  experience  than  this. 
Climate  depends  upon  a variety  of  accidents.  High 
mountains,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a place,  make  it 
cooler,  by  chilling  the  air  that  is  carried  over  them  by 
the  winds.  Large  fpreading  fucculent  plants,  if  among 
the  produdions  of  the  foil,  have  the  fame  effed:  they 
afford  agreeable  cooling  fiiades,  and  a moift  atmofphere 
from  their  continual  exhalations,  by  which  the  ardour  of 
the  fun  is  confiderably  abated.  While  the  foil,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  of  a fandy  nature,  retains  the  heat  in  an 
uncommon  degree,  and  makes  the  fummers  confidera- 
bly hotter  than  thofe  which  are  found  to  exift  in  the 
fame  latitude,  where  the  foil  is  different.  To  this  prox- 
imity of  what  may  be  termed  burning  fands^  and  to  the 
fulphurous  and  metallick  particles,  which  are  continual- 
ly exhaling  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  is  afcribed 
the  different  degree  of  blacknefs,  by  which  fome  African 
nations  are  diftinguifhable  from  each  other,  though  un- 
der the  fame  parallels.  To  thefe  obfervations,  we  may 

add, 

* We  beg  leave  to  return  our  thanks  here  to  a gentleman,  emi- 
nent in  the  medical  line,  who  furniihed  us  with  the  abovementioned 

fa6ls. 


126  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

add,  that  though  the  inhabitants  of  the  fame  parallel 
are  not  exadly  of  the  fame  hue,  yet  they  differ  only 
by  fhades  of  the  fame  colour;  or,  to  fpeak  with  more 
pr^cifion,  that  there  are  no  two  people,  in  fuch  a fuu- 
ation,  one  of  whom  is  white,  and  the  other  black. 
To'^fum  up  the  whole-- — Suppofe  we  were  to  take  a 
common  globe;  to  begin  at  the  equator;  to  paint  every 
country  along  the  meridian  line  in  fucceffion  from  thence 
to  the  poles;  and  to  paint  them  with  the  fame  colour 
which  prevails  in  the  refpeftive  inhabitants  of  each,  we 
fhould  fee  the  black,  with  which  we  had  been  obliged 
to  begin,  infenfibly  changing  to  an  olive,  and  the  olive, 
through  as  many  Intermediate  colours,  to  a white:  and 
if,  on  the  other  hand,  we  fhould  complete  any  one  of 
the  parallels  accarding  to  the  fame  plan,  we  fhould  fee 
a difference  perhaps  in  the  appearance  of  fome  of  the 
countries  through  which  it  ran,  though  the  difference 
would  confifl  wholly  in  fhades  of  the  fame  colour. 

The  argument  therefore,  which  is  brought  againfl  the 
hypothecs,  is  fo  far  from  being  an  objection,  that  we 
fliall  confider  it  as  one  of  the  firfl  arguments  in  its  fa- 
vour: for  if  climate  has  really  an  influence  on  the  mu- 
cous fuhftance  of  the  body,  it  is  evident,  that  w'e  muff 
not  only  expert  to  fee  a gradation  of  colour  in  the  inha- 
bitants from  the  equator  to  the  poles,  but  alfo  * differ- 
ent fliades  of  the  fame  colour  in  the  inhabitants  of  the 
fame  parallel. 

To  this  argument,  we  fliail  add  one  that  is  incontro- 
vertible, which  is,  that  w-hen  the  black  inhabitants  of 
Africa  are  tranfplanted  to  colder^  or  the  white  inhabitants 
of  Europe  to  hotter  climates,  their  children,  born  there^ 

are 

* Suppofe  we  were  to  fee  two  nations,  contiguous  to  each  other, 
of  black  and  white  inhabitants  in  the  fame  parallel,  even  this  would 
be  no  objedion,  for  many  circumllances  are  to  be  confidered.  A 
black  people  may  have  wandered  into  a white,  and  a whi,e  people 
into  a black  latitude,  and  they  may  not  have  been  fettled  there  a fuf- 
ficient  length  of  time  for  fuch  a change  to  have  been  accomplilhed 
in  their  complexion,  as  that  they  Ihould  be  liKC  the  old  ellablilhed 
inhabitants  of  the  parallel,  into  wh  eh  the^  have  la  ely  come. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  127 

are  of  a different  colour  from  themfeLvesy  that  is,  lighter 
in  the  firlf,  and  darker  in  the  fecond  initance. 

As  a proof  of  the  firft,  we  lhall  give  the  words  of  the 
Abbe  Raynal,  in  his  admired  publication.  * “ The 
children,’’  fays  he,  which  they,  (the  Africans')' 

“ create  in  America^  are  not  fo  black  as  their  parents 
“ were.  After  each  generation  the  difference  becomes 
more  palpable.  It  is  polfible,  that  after  a numerous 
fucceliion  of  generations,  the  men  come  from  Africa 
would  not  be  diftinguiflied  from  thofe  of  the  country, 
into  which  they  may  have  been  tranfplanted.” 

This  circumftance  we  have  had  the  pleafure  of  hear- 
ing confirmed  by  a variety  of  perfons,  who  have  been 
witneffes  of  the  fadl;  but  particularly  by  many  f intelli- 
gent Africans,  who  have  been  parents  themfelves  in 
America,  and  who  have  declared  that  the  difference  is  fo 
palpable  in  the  northern  provinces,  that  not  only  they 
themfelves  have  conftantly  obferved  it,  but  that  they 
have  heard  it  obferved  by  others. 

Neither  is  this  variation  in  the  children  from  the  co- 
lour of  their  parents  improbable.  T.he  children  of  the 
blackeji  Africans  are  | born  white.  In  this  hate  they  con- 
tinue for  about  a month,  when  they  change  to  a pale 
yellow.  In  procefs  of  time  they  become  brown.  Their 
fkin  flill  continues  to  increafe  in  darknefs  with  their  age, 
till  it  becomes  of  a dirty,  fallow  black,  and  at  length, 
after  a certain  period  of  years,  glofl’y  and  fhining.  Now, 
if  climate  has  any  influence  on  the  mucous  fubftance  of 

the 

* Juflamond’s  Abbe  Raynal,  v.  5.  p.  193. 

t The  author  of  this  EfTay  made  it  his  bufinefs  to  inquire  of  the 
moft  intelligent  of  thofe,  whom  he  could  meet  with  in  London,  as 
to  the  authenticity  of  the  fact.  All  thofe  from  America  alTured  him 
that  it  was  ftrictly  true;  thofe  from  the  Weft-Indies,  that  they  had 
never  obferved  it  there;  but  that  they  had  found  a fenfible  differ- 
ence in  themfelves  fince  they  came  to  England. 

\ This  circumftance,  which  always  happens,  fhews  that  they  are 
defcended  from  the  fame  parents  as  ourfelves;  for  had  they  been  a 
diftinct  fpecies  of  men,  and  the  blacknefs  entirely  Ingrafted  in  their 
conftitLition  and  frame,  there  is  great  rcafon  to  prefume,  that  their 
children  would  have  been  born  black. 


128  On  the  Slavery*  and  ComivIerce 

the  body,  this  variation  in  the  children  from  the  colour 
of  their  parents  is  an  event,  which  muff  be  reafonably 
expeded':  for  being  born  white,  and  not  having  equally 
powerful  caufes  to  ad  upon  them  in  colder,  as  their  pa- 
rents had  in  the  hotter  climates  which  they  left,  it  n)uft 
neceffarily  follow,  that  the  fame  effed  cannot  poflibly 
be  produced. 

Hence  alfo,  if  the  hypothefis  be  admitted,  may  be 
deduced  the  reafon,  why  even  thofe  children,  who  have 
been  brought  from  their  country  at  an  early  age  into  cold- 
er regions,  have  been  * obferved  to  be  of  a lighter  co- 
lour than  thofe  who  have  remained  at  home  till  they  ar- 
rived at  a ftate  of  manhood.  For  having  undergone 
fome  of  the  changes  which  we  mentioned  to  have  at- 
tended their  countrymen  from  infancy  to  a certain  age, 
and  uaving  been  taken  away  before  the  reft  could  be 
completed,  thefe  farther  changes,  which  would  have 
taken  place  had  they  remained  at  home,  feem  either  to 
have  been  checked  in  their  progrefs,  or  weakened  in 
their  degree,  by  a colder  climate. 

We  come  now  to  the  fecond  and  oppofite  cafe;  for  a 
proof  of  which  we  fhall  appeal  to  the  words  of  Dr.  Mit- 
chell, in  the  Philofophical  Tranfaclions.  f The  Spani- 
ards  who  have  inhabited  America  under  the  torrid  zone 
for  any  time,  are  become  as  dark  coloured  as  our  na- 
live  Indians  of  Virginia^  of  which,  / myfelj  have  been 
a voitnefs\  and  were  they  not  to  intermarry  with  the 
Europeans^  but  lead  the  fame  rude  and  barbarous  lives 
with  the  Indians,  it  is  very  probable  that,  in  a fuccef- 
“ fion  of  many  generations,  they  would  become  as  dark 
in  complexion.” 

To  this  inftance  we  fhall  add  one,  which  is  mentioned 
by  a I late  writer,  who  defcribing  the  African  coaft,  and 

the 


This  obfervation  was  communicated  to  us  by  the  gentleman  in 
the  medical  line,  to  whom  we  returned  our  thanks  for  certain  anato- 
mical fafts. 

t Philof.  Tranf.  No.  476.  fed:.  4. 

^ Treatife  upon  the  Trade  from  Great  Britain  to  Africa,  by  an 
African  merchant. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  ^ 129 

the  European  fettlcments  there,  has  the  following  paflage. 
‘‘  There  are  feveral  other  fmall  Fortugueje  fettleinents, 
and  one  of  fome  note  at  Mitomba^  a river  in  Sierra 
‘‘  Leon,  The  people  here  called  Fortugucfe,  are  princi- 
pally  perfons  bred  from  a mi.^ture  of  the  firll  Fortu- 
guefe  difcQverers  with  the  natives,  and  now  become, 
“ in  ihtu  complexion  and  woolly  quality  their  hair,  per- 
feet  negroes^  retaining  however  a fmattering  of  the 
Fortuguefe  language.^’ 

Thefe  fads,  with  refped  to  the  colonifts  of  the  Euro- 
peans^ are  of  the  higheft  importance  in  the  prefent  cafe, 
and  deferve  a ferious  atteniion.  For  when  we  know  to 
a certainty  from  whom  they  are  defeended;  when  we 
know  that  they  were,  at  the  time  of  their  tranfplanta- 
tion,  of  the  fame  colour  as  thofe  from  whom  they  feve- 
rally  fprung;  and  when,  on  the  other  hand,  we  are  cre- 
dibly informed,  that  they  have  changed  it  for  the  native 
colour  of  the  place  which  they  now  inhabit;  the  evi- 
dence in  fupport  of  thefe  fads  is  as  great,  as  if  a perfon, 
on  the  removal  of  two  or  three  families  into  another 
climate,  had  determined  to  afeertain  the  circumflance ; 
as  if  he  had  gone  with  them  and  watched  their  children; 
as  if  he  had  communicated  his  obfervations  at  his  death 
to  a fuccelTor;  as  if  his  fuccelfor  had  profecuted  the 
plan,  and  thus  an  uninterrupted  chain  of  evidence  had 
been  kept  up  from  their  firfl  removal  to  any  determined 
period  of  fucceeding  time. 

But  though  thefe  fads  feem  fufficient  of  themfelves  to 
confirm  our  opinion,  they  are  not  the  only  fads  which 
can  be  adduced  in  its  fapport.  It  can  be  fnewn,  that 
the  members  of  the  very  fame  family,,  when  divided 
from  each  other,  and  removed  into  different  countries, 
have  not  only  changed  their  family  complexion,  but  that 
they  have  changed  it  to  as  many  diferent  colours  as  they 
have  gone  into  different  regions  of  the  world.  We  can- 
not have,  perhaps,  a more  llrikirig  inflance  of  this, 
than  in  the  Jezvs,  Thefe  people  are  fcattered  over  the 
face  of  the  whole  earth.  'Fhey  have  preferved  them- 
felves diflind  from  the  red  of  the  world  by  their  religi- 
on; and,  as  they  never  intermarry  with  any  but  thofe  of 

11  their 


130  O!^  THE  Slavery  and  Commerce 

their  own  fed,  fo  they  have  no  mixture  of  blood  in  their 
veins,  that  they  fhould  differ  from  each  other:  and  yet 
nothing  is  more  true,  than  that  the  * E?2glijh  Jew  is 
white,  the  Fortiigueje  fwarthy,  the  Armenian  olive,  and 
the  .irabian  copper;  in  fhort,  that  there  appear  to  be  as 
many  different  fpecies  of  Jevjs^  as  there  are  countries 
in  which  they  refide. 

To  thefe  fads  we  (hall  add  the  following  obfervation, 
that  if  we  can  give  credit  to  the  ancient  hiftorians  in  ge- 
neral, a change  from  the  darkefl  black  to  the  purefl 
white  muff  have  adualiy  been  accomplifhed.  One  in- 
ftance,  perhaps,  may  be  thought  fufficient.  | Herodotus 
relates,,  that  the  Colcbi  were  blacky  and  that  they  had 
crifped  hair,  Thefe  people  were  a detachment  of  the 
JEthiopian  army  under  Sefofiris^  who  follow'ed  him  in  his 
expedition,  and  fettled  in  that  part  of  the  world,  where 
Colchis  is  ufually  reprefented  to  have  been  fituated.  Had 
not  the  fame  author  informed  us  of  this  circumftance, 
w^e  fhould  have  thought  it  + ftrange,  that  a people  of 
this  defcription  fliould  have  been  found  in  fuch  a lati- 
tude. Now,  as  they  were  undoubtedly  fettled  there, 
and  as  they  were  neither  fo  totally  deflroyed,  nor  made 
any  fuch  rapid  conquefls,  as  that  hiftory  fhould  notice 
the  event,  there  is  great  reafon  to  prefume,  that  their 
dcfcendants  continued  in  the  fame,  or  fettled  in  the  ad- 
jacent country;  from  whence  it  will  follow,  that  they 
muft  have  changed  their  complexion  to  that,  which  is 
obfervable  in  the  inhabitants  of  this  particular  region  at 
the  prefent  day ; or,  in  other  words,  that  the  black  in~ 

habitant 


* We  mean  fuch  only  as  are  natives  of  the  cour  tries  which  wc 
mention,  and  whofe  anceftors  have  been  fettled  there  for  a certain 
period  of  time. 

I Herodotus.  Euterpe,  p.  80.  Editio  Stcphani,  printed  1570. 
f This  circLimdance  confirms  what  we  faid  in  a former  note,  p. 
126,  that  even  If  two  nations  were  to  be  found  in  the  fame  parallel, 
one  of  whom  was  black,  and  the  other  white,  it  would  form  no  ob- 
jeflion.  againfl;  the  hypothefis  of  climate,  as  one  of  them  might  have 
been  new  fettlers  from  a diftant  country. 


OF  TH^  Human  Sprcus.  131 

habitant  of  Colchis  mull  have  been  changed  into  the  * 
fair  Circajfian, 

As  we  liave  now  fliewn  it  to  be  highly  probable,  from 
the  fads  which  have  been  advanced,  that  climate  is  the 
I caufe  of  the  difference  of  colour  which  prevails  in  the 
I different  inhabitants  of  the  globe,  we  fliall  now  fnew  its 
probability  from  fo  fimilar  an  effed  produced  on  the  mu- 
cous fubjiance  before-mentioned  by  fo  fimilar  a caufe,  that 
thaugh  the  fad  does  not  abfoluteiy  prove  our  conjedure 
to  be  right,  yet  it  will  give  us  a very  lively  conception 
of  the  manner,  in  w'hich  the  phseiioaienon  may  be  canf- 
ed. 

This  probability  may  be  fliewn  in  the  cafe  of  freckles^ 
which  are  to  be  feen  in  the  face  of  children,  but  of  fucli 
only,  as  have  the  thinned  and  moil:  tranfparent  fkins, 
and  are  oCcafioned  by  the  rays  of  the  fun,  liriking  forc- 
ibly on  the  mucous  fubftance  of  the  face,  and  drying  the 
accumulating  fluid.  This  accumulating  fluid,  or  per- 
fpirable  matter,  is  at  firfl  colourlefs ; but  being  expofed 
to  violent  heat,  or  dried,  becomes  brown.  Hence,  the 
mucofum  corpus  being  tinged  in  various  parts  by  this 
brown  coagulated  fluid,  and  the  parts  fo  tinged  appear- 
ing through  the  cuticle^  or  upper  furface  of  the  fldn, 
arifes  that  fpotted  appearance,  obfervablc  in  the  cafe  re- 
cited. 

Now,  if  we  were  to  conceive  a black  {kin  to  be  an 
univerfal  freckle,  or  the  rays  of  the  fun  to  ad  fo  uni- 
verfally  on  the  mucous  fubjiance  of  a perfon’s  face,  as  to 
produce  thefe  fpots  fo  contiguous  to  each  other  that  they 
fliould  unite,  we  flaould  then  fee,  in  imagination,  a face 
fimilar  to  thofe,  which  are  daily  to  be  feen  among  black 
people:  and  if  we  were  to  conceive  his  body  to  be  ex- 
pofed 

Suppofe,  without  the  knowledge  of  any  hiftorian,  they  had 
made  fuch  contiderable  conquefts,  as  to  have  fettled  themfelves  at 
the  diftanceof  1000  miles  in  any  one  direction  from  Colchis,  ftill  they 
muft  have  changed  their  colour.  For  had  they  gone  in  an  Eaflern  or 
Weftern  diredion,  they  muft  have  been  of  the  fame  colour  as  the 
CircaJJians',  if  to  the  north,  whiter;  if  to  the  fouth,  of  a copper. 
There  are  no  people  within  that  diflance  of  Colchis,  who  are  black. 


132  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

pofed  or  aded  upon  in  the  fame  manner,  we  fhould  then 
fee  his  body  affuming  a fimilar  appearance;  and  thus  we 
fhould  fee  the  whole  man  of  a perfed  black,  or  refem- 
bling  one  of  the  naked  inhabitants  of  the  torrid  zone. 
Now  as  the  feat  of  freckles  and  of  blacknefs  is  the  fame; 
as  their  appearance  is  fimilar;  and  as  the  caufe  of  the 
hrfl  is  the  ardour  of  the  fun,  it  is  therefore  probable 
that  the  caufe  of  the  fecond  is  the  fame:  hence,  if  we 
fubffitute  for  the  word  fu?i”  what  is  analogous  to  it, 
the  word  climate,  the  fame  effe6l  may  be  fuppofed  to  be 
produced,  and  the  conjecture  to  receive  a fandion. 

Nor  is  it  unlikely  that  the  hypothefis,  which  confiders 
the  caufe  of  freckles  and  of  blacknefs  as  the  fame,  may 
be  right.  For  if  blacknefs  is  occafioned  by  the  rays  of 
the  fun  ffriking  forcibly  and  univerfally  on  the  mucous 
fiihflance  of  the  body,  and  drying  the  accumulating  fluid, 
we  can  account  for  the  different  degrees  of  it  to  be  found 
in  the  different  inhabitants  of  the  globe.  For  as  the 
quantity  of  perfpirable  fluid,  and  the  force  of  the  folar 
rays  is  fucceflively  increafed,  as  the  climates  are  fuccef- 
fively  warmer,  from  any  given  parallel  to  the  line,  it 
follows  that  the  fluid,  with  which  the  mucous  fubftance 
-will  be  ftained,  will  be  fucceffively  thicker  and  deeper 
coloured;  and  hence,  as  it  appears  through  the  cuticle, 
the  complexion  fucceffively  darker;  or,  what  amounts 
to  the  fame  thing,  there  will  be  a difference  of  colour  in 
the  inhabitants  of  every  fuccefhve  parallel. 

From  thefe,  and  the  whole  of  the  preceding  obferva- 
tions  on  the  fubjecf,  we  may  conclude,  that  as  ail  the 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  cannot  be  otherwife  than  the 
children  of  the  fame  parents,  and  as  the  difference  of 
their  appearance  muff  have  of  courfe  proceeded  from 
incidental  caufes,  thefe  caufes  are  a combination  of  thofe 
qualities,  wliich  we  call  cH?iiate\  that  the  blacknefs  of 
the-  Africans  is  fo  far  ingrafted  in  their  conflitution,  in 
a courfe  of  many  generations,  that  their  children  wholly 
inherit  it,  if  brought  up  in  the  flime  fpot,  but  that  it  is 
not  fo  abfolutely  interwoven  in  their  nature,  that  it  can- 
not be  removed,  if  they  are  born  and  fettled  in  another; 
that  'Noah  and  his  fons  were  probably  of  an  dive  com- 
plexion ; 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  133 

plexion;  that  tbofe  of  their  defcendants,”  who  went  far- 
ther to  the  fouth,  became  of  a deeper  olive  or  copper‘d 
while  thofe,  who  went  (till  farther,  became  of  a deeper 
copper  or  black;  that  thofe,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
travelled  farther  to  the  north,  became  lefs  olive  or  brown^ 
while  thofe  who  went  ftill  farther  than  the  former,  became 
lefs  brown  or  white ; and  that  if  any  man  were  to  point 
out  -\ny  one  of  the  colours  which  prevails  in  the  human 
complexion,  as  likely  to  furnifh  an  argument^  that  the 
per^ple  of  fuch  a complexion  were  of  a different  fpecies 
from  the  reft,  it  is  probable  that  his  own  delcendants, 
if  removed  to  the  climate  to  which  this  complexion  is 
peculiar,  would,  in  the  courfe  of  a few  generations,  de- 
generate into  the  fame  colour. 

Having  now  replTed  to  the  .irgument,  “ that  the  Africans 

are  an  inferiour  link  of  the  chain  of  nature,’’  as  far 
as  it  depended  on  their  capacity  and  colour^  we  fhall  now 
only  take  notice  of  an  expreftion,  which  the  receivers 
before-mentioned  are  pleafed  to  make  ufe  of,  that  they 
“ are  made  for  flavery.” 

Had  the  Africans  been  viade  for  flavery^  or  to  become 
the  property  of  any  Ibc'ety  of  men,  it  is  clear,  from  the 
obfervations  that  nave  been  made  in  the  fecond  part  of 
this  Eftay,  that  they  muft  have  been  created  devoid  of 
reafon:.  but  this  is  contrary  to  faef.  It  is  clear  alfo,  that 
there  nnift  have  been  many  and  evident  figns  of  the  /«- 
feriority  of  tbeirnaiure^  and  that  this  fociety  of  men  muft: 
have  had  a natural  right  to  their  dominion:  but  this  is 
equally  falfe.  No  fuch  figns  of  inferiority  are  to  be  found 
in  the  one,  and  the  right  to  dominion  in  the  other  is 
incidental:  for  in  what  volume  of  nature  or  religion  is 
it  written,  that  one  fociety  of  men  Ihould  breed  Jlaves 
for  the  benefit  of  another?  Nor  is  it  lefs  evident  that 
they  wou'd  have  wanted  many  of  thofe  qualities  which 
they  have,  and  which  brutes  have  not:  they  would  have 
wanted  that  fpirit  of  liberty^  that  * fenfe  of  ignominy  and 

Jhame^ 

* There  are  a particular  people  among  thofe  tranfporteci  from 
Africa  to  the  colonies,  who  immediately  on  receiving  punifhm'ent, 
deftroy.  themfelves.  This  is  a fad  which  the  receivers  are  unable  to 
contradict. 


134  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

jhame^  which  fo  frequently  drives  them  to  the  horrid 
extremity  of  finifliing  their  own  exiftence.  Nor  would 
they-  have  been  endowed  with  a contemplative  power ; for 
fuch  a po-ver  would -have  been  unneccflary  to  people  in 
fuch  a htuation  ; or  rather,  its  only  ufe  could  have  been  to 
incrcale  their  pain.  . We  cannot  fuppofe  therefore  that 
God  has  made  an  order  of  beings,  with  fuch  mental 
qualities  and  pow’ers^  for  the  foie  purpofe  of  being  ufed 
as  beajis^  or  inflruments  of  labour.  And  here,  what  a 
dreadful  argument  prefents  itfelf  againft  you  receivers? 
For  if  they  have  no  underftandings  as  you  confefs,  then 
is  your  condud;  impious,  becaufe,  as  they  cannot  per*, 
celve  the  intention  of  your  punifhment,  your  feverities 
cannot  make  them  better.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  have  had  underftandings,  (which  has  evidently  ap- 
peared) then  is  your  conduct  equally  impious,  who,  by 
deftroying  their  faculties  by  the  feverity  of  your  difci- 
piine,  have  reduced  men,  who  had  once  the  power  of 
rcafon,  to  an  equality  with  the  brute  creation. 


CHAP.  IX. 

The  reader  may  perhaps  think,  that  the  receivers  have 
by  this  time  expended  all  their  arguments,  but  their 
ftore  is  not  fo  eafily  exhaufted.  They  are  well  aw^are 
that  juftice,  nature,  and  religion,  w'ill  continue,  as  they 

have  ever  uniformly  done,  to  oppofe  their  conduct. 

This  has  driven  them  to  exert  their  ingenuity,  and  has 
occaftoned  that  multiplicity  of  arguments  to  be  found 
in  the  prefent  queftion. 

Thefe  arguments  are  of  a different  complexion  from 
the  former.  Thev  confift  in  comparing  the  ftate  of 
Jlaves  with  that  of  fome  of  the  claffes  of  free  men,  and 
in  certain  fcenes  of  felicity,  which  the  former  are  faid 
to  enjoy. 

It  is  affirmed  that  the  punifliments  which  the  Africans 
undergo,  are  lefs  fevere  than  the  military ; that  their 
life  is  happier  than  that  of  the  Englifh  peafant;  that  they 
have  the  advantages  of  raanumilfion  j that  they  have 

their 


OF  THE  Human-  Species.  1*5 

their  little  fpots  of  ground,  their  holy-days,  their  daiicesj 
in  fhortj  that  their  life  is  a fcene  of  feftivity  and  mirth, 
and  that  they  are  much  happier  in  the  colonies  than  ifi 
their  own  country. 

Thcfe  reprefentations,  which  have  been  made  out 
with  much  ingenuity  and  art,  may  have  had  their  weight 
with  the  unwary;  but  they  will  never  pafs  with  men  of 
confideration  and  fenfe,  who  are  accuftomed  to  eftitnate 
the  probability  of  things,  before  they  admit  them  to  be 
true.  Indeed  the  bare  affertion,  that  their  fituaticJn  is 
even  comfortable,  contains  its  own  refutation,  or  at 
lead  leads  us  to  fufped  that  the  perfon,  who  aflerted  it, 
has  omitted  fome  important  confiderations  in  the  ac-^ 
count.  Such  we  (hall  (hew  to  have  been  actually  the 
cale,  and  that  the  reprefentations  of  the  receivers^  when 
ftripped  oi  their  glofly  ornaments,  are  but  empty  de- 
clamation. 

It  is  faid,  firft,  of  military  punijlments^  that  they  are 
more  fevere  than  thofe  which  the  Africans  undergo. — 
But  this  is  a bare  affertion  without  a proof.  It  is  hot 
fhewn  even  by  thofe,  who  affert  it,  how  the  fad  can  be 
made  out.  We  are  left  therefore  to  draw  the  compari- 
fon  ourfelves,  and  to  fill  up  thofe  important  confiderati- 
ons,  which  we  have  juft  faid  that  the  receivers  had  omit- 
ted. 

That  military  punifhments  are  fevere  we  confefs,  but 
we  deny  that  they  are  feverer  than  thofe  with  which  they 
are  compared.  Where  is  the  military  man,  whofe  ears 
have  been  flit,  whofe  limbs  have  been  mutilated,  or 
whofe  eyes  have  been  beaten  out?  But  let  us  even  allow, 
that  their  punifhments  are  equal  in  the  degree  of  their 
feverity : flill  they  muff  lofe  by  comparifon.  The  foldier 
is  never  punifhed  but  after  a fair  and  equitable  trial,  and 
the  decifion  of  a military  court;  the  unhappy  African, 
at  the  difcertion  of  his  Lord.  The  one  * knows  what 
particular  condud  will  conflitute  an  offence;  the  other 

has 

* The  articles  of  war  are  frequently  read  at  the  head  of  every 
regiment  in  the  fervice,  Hating  thofe  particular  aflions  which  arc  to 
be  confidered  as  crimes. 


OJL,AVJbKY  iVJNi>  V-.UM  M t,  RC  E 

has  no  fuch  information,  as  he,  is  wholly  at  the  difoofal 
of  paflion  and  caprice,  which  may  impofe  upon  any  ac- 
tion, how'ever  laudable,  the  appellation  of  a crime.  The 
former  has  it  of  courfe  in  his  power  to  avoid  a punifh- 
ment;  the  latter  is  never  fafe.  The  former  is  piinifhed 
for  a real,  the  latter,  often,  for  an  imaginary  fault. 

Now  will  any  perfon  aifert,  on  comparing  the  whole 
of  thofe  circumflances  together,  which  relate  to  their 
refpe6live  punifhments,  that  there  can  be  any  doubt, 
which  of  the  two  are  in  the  word  fituation,  as  to  their 
penal  fyileins? 

With  rcfpecl  to  the  declaration,  that  the  life  of  an  Afri- 
can in  the  colonies  is  happier  than  that  of  an  EnglifI? 
peafant,  it  is  equally  falfe.  Indeed  we  can  fcarcely  with- 
hold our  indignation,  when  we  confider,  how  fhame- 
fully  the  fituation  of  this  latter  dafs  of  men  has  been 
mifreprefented,  to  elevate  the  former  to  a date  of  ficli- 
tious  happinefs.  If  the  reprefentacions  of  the  receivers 
be  true,  it  is  evident  that  thofe  of  the  mod  approved 
writers,  who  have  placed  a confiderable  fhare  of  hap- 
pinefs in  the  cottage,  have  been  midaken  in  their  opini- 
on ; and  that  thole  of  the  rich,  who  have  been  heard  to 
figh,  and  envy  the  felicity  of  the  peafant^  have  been 
treacherous  to  their  own  fenfations. 

But  which  are  we  to  believe  on  the  occafion?  Thofe, 
who  endeavour  to  drefs  vice  in  the  habit  of  virtue,  or 
thofe,  who  derive  their  opinion  from  their  own  feelings? 
The  latter  are  furely  to  be  believed;  and  we  may  con- 
clude therefore,  that  the  horrid  pidure  which  is  given 
of  the  life  of  i\\t  peafant,  has  not  fo  jud  a foundation  as 
the  receivers  would  lead  UwS  to  fuppofe.  For  has  he  no 
pleafure  in  the  thought,  that  he  lives  in  his  own  country, 
and  among  his  relations  and  friends?  That  he  is  adually 
free,  and  that  his  children  will  be  the  fame?  That  he 
can  never  be  fold  as  a bead?  That  he  can  fpeak  his  mind 
without  the  fear  of  the  lajhf  That  he  cannot  even  be 
druck  with  impunity^  And  that  he  partakes,  equa.ly 
with  his  fuperiours,  of  the  proteciion  of  the  iawf — Now, 
there  is  no  one  of  thefe  advantages  which  the  African 
podedes,  and  no  one,  w'hich  the  defenders  of  davery 
take  into  their  account. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  137 

Of  the  other  comparifons  that  are  ufually  made,  we 
may  obferve  in  general,  that,  as  they  confift  in  compa- 
ring the  iniquitous  praftice  of  flavery  with  other  iniquit- 
ous practices  in  force  among  other  nations,  they  can 
neither  raife  it  to  the  appearance  of  virtue,  nor  exte- 
nuate its  guilt.  The  things  compared  are  in  thefe  in- 
ftances  both  of  them  evils  alike.  They  call  equally  for 
redrefs,  and  are  equally  difgraceful  to  the  * governments 
which  fuffer  them,  if  not  encourage  them,  to  exift. 
To  attempt  therefore  to  juftify  one  fpecies  of  iniquity, 
by  comparing  it  with  another,  is  no  j unification  at  all; 
and  is  fo  far  from  anfwering  the  purpofe,  for  which  the 
comparifon  is  intended,  as  to  give  us  reafon  to  fufpe6:, 
that  the  comparer  has  but  little  notion  either  of  equity 
or  honour. 

W e come  now  to  thofe  fcenes  of  felicity,  which  flaves 
are  faid  to  enjoy.  The  firfl  advantage  which  they  are 
faid  to  experience,  is  that  6f  manumijjion*  But  here  the 
advocates  for  flavery  conceal  an  important  circumflance. 
They  expatiate  indeed  on  the  charms  of  freedom,  and 
contend  that  it  muft  be  a blefling  in  the  eyes  of  thofe, 
upon  whom  it  is  conferred.  We  perfectly  agree  with 
them  in  this  particular.  But  they  do  not  tell  us  that 
thele  advantages  are  confined;  that  they  are  confined  to 
fome  favourite  domejiick ; that  not  one  in  an  hundred  en- 
joy them;  and  that  they  are  never  extended  to  thofe, 
who  are  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  the  fields  as  long 
as  they  can  work.  Thefe  are  they,  who  are  moft  to  be 
pitied,  who  are  deftined  to  perpetual  drudgery;  and  of 
whom  no  one  whatever  has  a chance  of  being  freed  from. 

S his 

* We  cannot  omit  here  to  mention  one  of  the  cuftoms,  which  has 
been  often  brought  as  a palliation  of  flavery,  and  which  prevailed 
but  a little  time  ago,  and  we  are  doubtful  whether  it  does  not  pre- 
vail now,  in  the  metropolis  of  this  country,  of  kidnapping  men  for 
the  fervice  of  the  Eafl-India  Comp^any.  Every  fubjeft,  as  long  as 
he  behaves  well,  has  a right  to  the  proteflion  of  government;  and 
the  tacit  permiflion  of  fuch  a fcene  of  iniquity,  when  it  becomes 
known,  is  as  much  a breach  of  duty  in  government,  as  the  condu6t 
of  thofe  fubje<^s,  who,  on  other  occafions,  would  be  termed,  and 
puniflied  as,  rebellious. 


138  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

his  fituation,  till  death  either  releafes  him  at  once,  or 
renders  him  incapable  of  continuing  his  former  la- 
bour. And  here  let  it  be  remarked,  to  the  difgrace  of 
the  receivers^  that  he  is  then  made  free,  not as  a re- 

ward for  his  paji  fervices^  but,  as  his  labour  is  then  of 
little  or  no  value, to  jfave  the  * tax» 

With  the  fame  artifice  is  mention  alfo  made  of  the  lit- 
tle fpots,  or  gardens^  as  they  are  called,  which  Haves  are 
fald  CO  po'flefs  from  the  liberality  oi  the  receivers.  But  peo- 
ple mud  not  be  led  away  by  agreeable  and  pleafant 
founds.  They  niuft  not  fuppofe  that  thefe  gardens  are 
made  for  flowers ; or  that  they  are  places  of  amufement^ 
in  which  they  can  fpend  their  time  in  botanical  rcfearches 
and  delights.  Alas  they  do  not  furnifli  them  with  a 
theme  for  fuch  pleafing  purfuits  and  fpeculations!  They 
mufl  be  cultivated  in  fhofe  hours,  which  ought  to  be 
appropriated  to  -f  reft;  and  they  muft  be  cultivated,  not 
for  an  amufement,  but  to  make  up,  if  it  be  pojfihle^  the 
great  deficiency  in  their  weekly  allowance  of  provifions. 
Hence  it  appears,  that  the  receivers  have  no  merit  what- 
ever in  fuch  an  appropriation  of  land  to  their  unfortunate 
Haves:  for  they  are  either  under  the  neceflity  of  doing 
this,  or  of  loflng  them  by  the  jaws  of  famine.  And  it 
is  a notorious  ta6l,  that,  with  their  weekly  allowance, 
and  the  produce  of  their  fpots  together,  it  is  often  with 
the  greateft  difficulty  that  they  preferve  a wretched  ex- 
iftence. 

The  third  advantage  which  they  are  fald  to  experience, 
is  that  of  holy-days^  or  days  of  refplte  from  their  ufual 
difeipline  and  fatigue.  This  is  certainly  a great  indul- 
gence, 

Tlie  expences  of  every  parilTi  are  defrayed  by  a poll-tax  on  negroes, 
to  fave  which  they  pretend  to  liberate  thofe  who  are  paft  labour; 
but  they  Hill  keep  them  employed  in  repairing  fences,  or  in  doing 
fome  trifling  work  on  a fcanty  allowance.  For  to  free  a field- 
negroe,  fo  long  as  he  can  work,  is  a maxim,  which,  notwithftanding 
the  numerous  boaHcd  manumiflions,  no  mafter  ever  thinks  of  adopting 
in  the  colonies. 

I They  mufl:  be  cultivated  always  on  a Sunday,  and  frequently  in 
thofe  hours  which  Ihould  be  appropriated  to  Jleep,  or  the  wretcheci- 
pofleiTors  muH  be  inevitably  Jiarved. 


OF  THE  Human  Specus.  139 

gence,  and  ought  to  be  recorded  to  the  immortal  honour 
oF  the  receivers.  We  wiili  we  could  exprefs  their  libe- 
rality in  thofe  hand  Tome  terms,  in  which  it  deferves  to  be 
reprefented,  or  applaud  them  fufficiently  for  deviating 
for  once  from  the  rigours  of  fervile  difcipline.  But  we 
confefs,  that  we  are  unequal  to  the  tailc,  and  muft  there- 
fore content  ourfelves  with  oblerving,  that  while  the 
horfe  has  one  day  in  /even  to  refrefli  his  limbs,  the  happy 
African  has  but  one  in  * Jifty-two^  as  a relaxation  from 
his  labours. 

With  refped  to  their  dances^  on  which  fuch  a particular 
flrefs  has  been  generally  laid,  we  fear  that  people  may 
have  been  as  lhamefully  deceived,  as  in  the  former  in- 
llances.  For  from  the  manner  in  which  thefe  are  gene- 
rally mentioned,  we  fhould  almoft  be  led  to  imagine, 
that  they  had  certain  hours  allowed  them  for  the  purpofe 
of  joining  in  the  dance,  and  that  they  had  every  comfort 
and  convenience,  that  the  people  are  generally  fuppofed 
to  enjoy  on  fuch  convivial  occafions.  But  this  is  far  from 
the  cafe.  Reafon  informs  us,  that  it  can  never  be.  If 
they  wilh  for  fuch  innocent  recreations,  they  muR  enjoy 
them  in  the  time  that  is  allotted  them  for  fleep;  and  fo 
far  are  thefe  dances  from  proceeding  from  any  uncom- 
mon degree  of  happinefs,  which  excites  them  to  convivi- 
al fociety,  that  they  proceed  rather  from  an  uncommon 
depreflion  of  Ipirits,  which  makes  them  even  facrificc 
their  f reft,  for  the  fake  of  experiencing  for  a moment 

a more 

* They  are  allowed  in  general  three  holy-days  at  Chridmas,  but 
in  Jamaica  they  have  two  alfo  at  Eafter,  and  two  at  Whitfuntide:  To 
that  on  the  larged  fcale,  they  have  only  feven  days  in  a year,  or  one 
day  in  fifty-two.  But  this  is  on  a fuppofition,  that  the  receivers  do 
not  break  in  upon  the  afternoons,  which  they  are  frequently  too  apt 
to  do.  If  it  iTiouId  be  faid  that  Sunday  is  an  holy-day,  it  is  not  true; 
it  is  fo  far  an  holv-day,  that  they  do  not  work  for  their  maders; 
but  fuch  an  holy-day,  that  if  they  do  not  employ  it  in  the  cultivation 
©f  their  little  fpots,  they  mud  be  ftmved. 

t I hefe  dances  are  ufually  in  the  middle  of  the  night;  and  fo  de- 
firoiis  are  thefe  unfortunate  people  of  obtaining  bat  a joyful  hour, 
that  they  not  only  often  give  up  their  deep,  but  add  to  the  labours 
of  the  day,  by  going  feveral  miles  to  obtain  it. 


140  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

a more  joyful  oblivion  of  their  cares.  For  fuppofe  any 
one  of  the  receivers^  in  the  middle  of  a dance,  were  to 
addrefs  his  flaves  in  the  following  manner:  Africans! 

“ I begin  at  lall  to  feel  for  your  fituation;  and  my  con- 
fcience  is  feverely  hurt,  whenever  I reflect  that  I have 
««  been  reducing  thofe  to  a flate  of  mifery  and  pain, 
who  have  never  given  me  offence.  You  feem  to  be 
fond  of  thefe  exercifes,  but  yet  you  are  obliged  to 
take  them  at  fuch  unfeafonable  hours,  that  they  im- 
‘‘  pair  your  health,  w'hich  is  fufflciently  broken  by  the 
intolerable  fhare  of  labour  which  I have  hitherto  im- 
pofed  upon  you,  I will  therefore  make  you  a propofal. 
Will  you  be  content  to  live  in  the  colonies,  and  you 
(hall  have  the  half  of  every  week  entirely  to  your- 
felves?  or  will  you  choofe  to  return  to  your  miferable, 

wretched  country?^’ But  what  is  that  w^hich  ftrikes 

their  ears?  Which  makes  them  motionlefs  in  an  inflant? 

Which  interrupts  the  feftive  fcene? their  country? 

tranfporting  found! Behold!  they  are  now  flying 

from  the  dance:  you  may  fee  them  running  to  the  fhore, 
and,  frantick  as  it  were  with  joy,  demanding  with 
open  arms  an  inflantaneous  paflage  to  their  beloved  na- 
tive plains. 

Such  are  the  colonial  delights^  by  the  reprefentation  of 
which  the  receivers  w'ould  perfuade  us,  that  the  Africans 
are  taken  from  their  country  to  a region  of  conviviality 
and  mirth;  and  that  like  thofe,  who  leave  their  ufual 
places  of  refidence  for  a fummer’s  amufement,  they  are 
conveyed  to  the  colonies — to  hathe^ — to  dance^ — to  keep 
holy-day^ — to  be  jovial. — But  there  is  fomething  fo  truly 
ridiculous  in  the  attempt  to  impofe  thefe  fcenes  of  feli- 
city on  the  publick,  as  fcenes  which  fall  to  the  lot  of 
flaves,  that  the  receivers  mufl  have  been  driven  to  great 
extremities,  to  hazard  them  to  the  eye  of  cenfure. 

The  lafl  point  that  remains  to  be  confidered,  is  the 
fliameful  affertion,  that  the  Africans  are  much  happier  in  t 
the  colonies.^  than  in  their  own  country*  But  in  what  does 
this  fuperiour  happinefs  confift?  In  thofe  real  fcenes,  it  j 
mufl;  be  replied,  which  have  been  juft  mentioned;  for  j 
thefe,  by  the  confelTion  of  the  receivers,  conftitute  the  ] 

happinefs  j 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  141 

happinefs  they  enjoy. — But  it  has  been  fliewn  that  thefc 
have  been  unfairly  reprefented;  and,  were  they  realized 
in  the  moft  extenfive  latitude,  they  would  not  confi  in 
the  faft.  For  if,  upon  a recapitulation,  it  confifts  in  the 
pleafure  of  mamniiiffion^  they  furely  mult  have  paffed  their 
lives  in  a much  more  comfortable  manner,  who  like 
the  Africans  at  home^  have  had  no  occahon  for  fuch  a be- 
nefit at  all.  But  the  receivers^  we  prefume,*  reafon  upon 
this  principle,  that  we  never  know  the  value  of  a blef- 
fmg  but  by  its  lofs.  This  is  generally  true : but  would 
any  one  of  them  make  himfelf  a [lave  for  years,  that  he 
might  run  the  chance  of  the  pieafures  of  manumijjtonf 
Or  that  he  might  tafte  the  charms  of  liberty  with  a 
greater  relijhf  Nor  is  the  aflertion  lefs  ialfe  in  every  other 
confideration.  For  if  their  happinefs  couhfts  in  the  few 
holy-days^  which  in  the  colonies  they  are  permitted  to  enjoy 
what  muff  be  their  fituation  in  their  own  country^  where 
the  whole  year  is  but  one  continued  holy  day.  or  ceffati- 
on  from  difeipline  and  fatigue? — If  in  the  poffeirion  oj  a 
mean  and  contraded  fpot^  what  mud  be  their  fituation, 
where  a whole  region  is  their  own,  producing  almofl 
fpontaneoufly  the  comforts  of  life,  and  requiring  for  its 
cultivation  none  of  thofe  hours,  which  fliould  be  appro- 
priated to  Jleep? — If  in  the  pieafures  of  colonial  dance, 
what  mull  it  be  in  their  own  country,  where  they  may 
dance  for  ever;  where  there  is  no  dated  hour  to  inter- 
rupt their  felicity,  no  intolerable  labour  immediately  to 
fucceed  their  recreations,  and  no  overfeer  to  receive 
them  under  the  difeipline  of  the  lafh? — If  thefe  therefore 
are  the  only  circumdances,  by  which  the  adertion  can 
be  proved,  we  may  venture  to  fay,  w^ithout  fear  of  oppo- 
fition,  that  it  can  never  be  proved  at  all. 

But  thefe  are  not  the  only  circumdances.  It  is  faid 
that  they  are  barbarous  at  home. — But  do  you  receivers 
civilize  them? — Your  unwillingnefs  to  convert  them  to 
Chridianity,  becaufe  you  fuppofe  you  mud  ufe  them 
more  kindly  when  converted,  is  but  a bad  argument 
in  favour  of  the  facl. 

It  is  affirmed  again,  that  their  manner  of  life,  and 
their  fituation  is  fuch  in  their  own  country,  that  to  fay 

they 


142  JOn  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

they  are  happy  is  a jeft.  * But  who  are  you,  who 
“ pretend  to  judge  of  another  man’s  happinefs?  That 
“ hate  which  each  man,  under  the  guidance  ot  his  ma- 
ker,  forms  for  himfclf,  and  not  one  man  for  another  ? 
To  know  what  conftitutes  mine  or  your  happinefs,  is 
the  foie  prerogative  of  him  who  created  us,  and  call 
“ us  in  fo  various  and  different  moulds  Did  your  flaves 
ever  complain  to  you  of  their  unhappinefs,  amidfl 
their  native  woods  and  defarts  ? Or,  rather,  let  me 
afk,  did  they  ever  ceafe  complaining  of  their  condition 
under  you  their  lordly  mafters?  Where  they  fee,  in- 
deed,  the  accomodations  of  civil  life,  but  fee  them  all 
pafs  to  others,  themfelves  unbenehted  by  them.  Be 
‘‘  fo  gracious  then,  ye  petty  tyrants  over  human  free- 
dom,  to  let  your  flaves  judge  for  themfelves,  what  it 
is  which  makes  their  own  happinefs,  and  then  fee 
‘‘  whether  they  do  not  place  it  in  the  return  to  their  own 
country^  rather  than  in  the  contemplation  of  your 
grandeur,  of  which  their  mifery  makes  fo  large  a 
part.” 

But  fince  you  fpeak  with  fo  much  confidence  on  the 
fubjc6f,  let  us  afk  you  receivers  again,  if  you  have  ever 
been  informed  by  your  unfortunate  flaves,  that  they  had 
no  connexions  in  the  country  from  which  they  have  for- 
cibly been  torn  away:  or,  if  you  will  take  upon  you  to 
affert,  that  they  never  figh,  when  they  are  alone;  or 
that  they  never  relate  to  each  other  their  tales  of  mifery 
and  woe.  But  you  judge  of  them,  perhaps,  in  an  hap- 
py moment,  when  you  are  dealing  out  to  them  their 
provifions  for  the  week;  and  are  but  little  aware,  that, 
though  the  countenance  may  be  cheered  with  a moment- 
ary fmile,  the  heart  may  be  exquifitely  tortured.  Were 
you  to  iliew  us,  indeed,  that  there  are  laws,  fubjedt  to 
no  evafion,  by  which  you  are  obliged  to  clothe  and  feed 
them  in  a comfortable  manner;  were  you  to  fhew  us 

that 


Biihop  of  Gloucefler’s  fermon,  preached  before  the  fociety  for 
the  propagation  of  the  gofpel,  at  the  anniverfary  meeting,  on  the 
2ift  of  February,  1766. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  143 

that  they  are  * proteded  at  all;  or  that  even  one  in  a 
ihoufand  of  thofe  mafters  have  f fuffered  death,  who  have 
been  guilty  of  premeditated  murder  to  their  flaves,  you 
would  have  a better  claim  to  our  belief;  but  you  can 
neither  produce  the  inftances  nor  the  laws.  The  people, 
of  whom  you  fpeak,  are  Jlaves^  are  your  own  property^ 
are  wholly  at  your  own  difpofal\  and  this  idea  is  fufficient 
to  overturn  your  affertions  of  their  happinefs. 

But  we  fliall  now  mention  a circumftance,  which,  in 
the  prefent  cafe,  will  have  more  weight  than  all  the  ar^' 
guments  which  have  hitherto  been  advanced.  It  is  an 
opinion,  which  the  Africans  univerfally  entertain,  that, 
as  foon  as  death  lhall  releafe  them  from  the  hands  of  their 
oppreffors,  they  lhall  immediately  be  wafted  back  to 
their  native  plains,  there  to  exift  again,  to  enjoy  the 
fight  of  their  beloved  countrymen,  and  to  fpend  the. 
whole  of  their  new  exiftence  in  fcenes  of  tranquillity 
and  delight : and  fo  powerfully  does  this  notion  operate 
upon  them,  as  to  drive  them  frequently  to  the  horrid 
extremity  of  putting  a period  to  their  lives.  Now  if 
thefe  fuicides  are  frequent,  (which  no  perfon  can  deny) 
what  are  they  but  a proof,  that  the  lituation  of  thofe 
who  deftroy  themfelves  muft  have  been  infupportabiy 
wretched:  and  it  the  thought  of  returning  to  their  coun^ 
try  after  death,  when  they  have  experienced  the  colonial joys\ 
conftitutes  their  fupreme  felicity,  what  are  they  but  a 
proof,  that  they  think  there  is  as  much  difference  be- 
tween the  two  fituations,  as  there  is  between  miferv 
and  delight?  . ' 

Nor 

6 

* There  is  a law,  (but  let  the  reader  remark,  that  it  prevails  but 
in  one  of  the  colones,)  againft  mutilation.  It  took  its  rife  from  the 
frequency  of  the  inhuman  praflice.  But  though  a mafter  cannot  there 
chop  off  the  limb  of  a Have  with  an  axe,  he  may  yet  work,  fiarve# 
and  beat  him  to  deatn  with  impunity. 

j-  Two  inlfances  are  recorded  by  the  receivers^  out  of  about 
j tkoujand^  where  a white  man  has  fuffered  death  for  the  murder  of  a 
negroe;  but  the  receivers  do  not  tell  us,  that  thefe  fuffered  more 
becaufe  they  were  the  pefls  of  fociety,  than  becaufc  the  mwder  of 
flaves  was  a crime. 


144  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

Nor  is  the  aflertion  of  the  receivers  lefs  liable  to  a 
refutation  in  the  inftance  of  thofe,  who  terminate  their 
own  exigence,  than  of  thofe,  whom  nature  releafes  from 
their  pcrfecutlons.  They  die  with  a fmile  upon  their 
face,  and  their  funerals  are  attended  by  a vaft  concourfe 
of  their  countrymen,  with  every  poflible  * demonftrati- 
on  of  joy.  But  why  this  unufual  mirth,  if  their  departed 
brother  has  left  an  happy  place?  Or  if  he  has  been  taken 
froiu  the  care  of  an  indulgent  mailer,  who  confulted 
his  pleafures,  and  adminiftered  to  his  wants?  But  alas, 
it  ariles  from  hence,  that  he  has  gone  to  his  happy  country: 
a circumflance,  fufficient  of  itfelf,  to  filence  a myriad 
of  thofe  fpecious  arguments,  which  the  imagination  has 
been  racked,  and  will  always  be  racked  to  produce,  in 
favour  of  a fyflem  of  tyranny  and  oppreflion. 

It  remains  only,  that  we  fliould  now  conclude  the 
chapter  with  a fact,  which  will  fliew  that  the  account, 
which  we  have  given  of  the  fituation  of  flaves,  is  ftricUy 
true,  and  will  refute  at  the  fame  time  all  the  arguments 
which  have  hitherto  been,  and  may  yet  be  brought  by 
the  receivers^  to  prove  that  their  treatment  is  humane. 
In  one  of  the  weflern  colonies  of  the  Europeans,  -f  fix 
hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  flaves  were  imported  within 
an  hundred  years;  at  the  expiration  of  which  time, 
their  whole  poflerity  were  found  to  amount  to  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  thoufand.  This  fa6l  will  afcertain  the 
treatment  of  itfelf.  For  how  fliamefully  mult  thefe  un- 
fortunate people  have  been  oppreffed?  What  a dreadful 
havock  mull  famine,  fatigue,  and  cruelty,  have  made 
among  them,  w'hen  we  confider,  that  the  defcendants 

of 

* A negroe-funeral  is  confidered  as  a curious  fight,  and  is  attend- 
ed with  finging,  dancing,  mufick,  and  every  circumflance  that  can 
fhew  the  attendants  to  be  happy  on  the  occafion. 

t In  96  years,  ending  in  1774,  800,000  flaves  had  been  imported 
into  the  French  part  of  St.  Domingo,  of  which  there  remained  only 
290, ^ 00  in  ?774.  Of  this  lafl  number  only  ‘40,000  were  creoles, 
or  natives  of  the  ifland,  i.  e.  of  650,000  flaves,  the  whole  poflerity 
were  140000.  Coiijiderationsjur  la  Colonie  de  St.  Dommgue,  publifhed 
by  authority  in  1 777. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  145 

of  fix  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand  people  in  the  prime  of 
life,  gradually  imported  within  a century,  are  lefs  nu- 
merous than  thole,  which  only  * ten  thoufand  would 
have  produced  in  the  fame  period,  under  common  ad- 
vantages, and  in  a country  congenial  to  their  conlli- 
tutioris? 

But  the  receivers  have  probably  great  merit  on  the  oc- 
cafion.  Let  us  therefore  fet  it  down  to  their  humanity. 
Let  us  fuppofe  for  once,  that  this  incredible  wafte  of 
the  human  fpecies  proceeds  from  a benevolent  defign; 
that,  fenlible  of  the  miferies  of  a fervile  Hate,  they  re- 
folve  to  wear  out,  as  fall  as  they  polTibly  can,  their  un- 
fortunate Haves,  that  their  miferies  may  the  fooncr  end, 
and  that  a wretched  pollerity  may  be  prevented  from 
lharing  their  parental  co:  aition.  Now,  whether  this  is 
the  plan  of  reafoning  which  the  receivers  adopt,  we  can- 
not take  upon  us  to  decide;  but  true  it  is,  that  the 
elFe£l  produced  is  exadly  the  fame,  as  if  they  had  reafon- 
cd  wholly  on  this  benevolent  principle. 


CHAP.  X. 

We  have  now  taken  a furvey  of  the  treatment  which 
the  unfortunate  Africans  undergo,  when  they  are  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  receivers.  This  treatment,  by  the 
four  firll  chapters  of  the  prefent  part  of  this  Eflay,  ap- 
pears to  be  wholly  infupportable,  and  to  be  fuch  as  no 
human  being  can  apply  to  another,  without  the  impu- 
tation of  fuch  crimes,  as  Ihould  make  him  tremble. — 
But  as  many  arguments  are  ufually  advanced  by  thofe 

T who 

* Ten  thoufand  people  under  fair  advantages,  and  in  a foil'conge- 
nial  to  their  conllitutions,  and  where  the  means  of  fubfiftence  are 
cafy,  iTiould  produce  in  a century  i6o,cx50.  This  is  the  proportion 
in  which  the  Ainericans  increafed;  and  the  Africans  in  their  own 
country  increafe  in  the  fame,  if  not  in  a greater  proportion.  Now 
as  the  climate  of  the  colonies  is  as  favourable  to  their  health  as  that 
of  their  own  country,  the  caufes  of  the  prodigious  decreafe  in  the 
one,  and  increafe  in  the  other,  will  be  more  confpicuous. 


14^  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

who  have  any  interefi:  in  the  praflice,  by  which  they 
would  either  exculpate  the  treatment,  or  diminilh  its 
feverity,  we  allotted  the  remaining  chapters  tor  their 
difcutTion.  In  thefe  we  confidered  the  probability  of 
fuch  a treatment  againft  the  motives  of  interefi;  the 
credit  that  was  to  be  given  to  thofe  difinterefled  writers 
on  the  fubjecl,  w’ho  have  recorded  particular  in  fiances 
of  barbarity;  the  inferiority  of  the  Africans  to  the  hu- 
man fpecies;  the  comparifons  that  are  generally  made 
with  refpecl  to  their  fituation ; the  pofitive  fcenes  of  feli- 
city which  they  are  faid  to  enjoy,  and  every  other  argu- 
ment, in  fliort,  that  we  have  found  to  have  ever  been 
advanced  in  the  defence  of  flavery.  Thefe  have  been 
all  confidered,  and  we  may  venture  to  pronounce,  that, 
inftead  of  anfwering  the  purpofe  for  which  they  were 
intended,  they  ferve  only  to  bring  fuch  circumftances 
to  light,  as  clearly  fliew,  that  if  ingenuity  were  racked 
to  invent  a fituation,  that  would  be  the  moft  diftrefling 
and  infupportable  to  the  human  race;  it  could  never  in- 
vent one,  that  would  fuit  the  defcription  better,  than 
the colonial  flavery. 

If  this  then  be  the  cafe,  and  if  flaves,  notwithftand- ' 
ing  all  the  arguments  to  the  contrary,  are  exquifitely 
miferable,  wt  afk  you  receivers,  by  what  right  you  re- 
duce them  to  fo  wretched  a fituation? 

You  reply,  that  you  bicy  them\  that  your  money  con- 
llitutes  your  right,  and  that,  like  all  other  things  which 
you  purchafe,  they  are  wholly  at  your  own  difpofal. 

Upon  this  principle  alone  it  was,  that  we  profeffed  to 
view  your  treatment,  or  examine  your  right,  when  we 
faid,  that  * the  queflion  refolved  itfelf  into  two  feparate 
‘‘  parts  for  difcuflion;  into  the  African  commerce,  as 
‘‘  explained  in  the  hiflory  of  flavery,  and  the  fubfequent  . 
“ flavery  in  the  colonies,  as  founded  on  the  equity  of  the 
commerce,*^  Now%  fince  it  appears  that  this  com- 
merce,  upon  the  fullefl  invefligation,  is  contrary  to  f ./ 
The  principles  of  law  and  government,  the  di dates  of  ^ 
reafon,  the  common  mamm  of  equity,  the  laws  of  nature,  t 

“ the  i 

* • * Page  49*  t Page  8o. 


OF  THE  Human  Spe:cies.  147 

the  admonitions  of  conjcience^  and^  in  Jhort^  the  whole 

doBrine  of  natural  religion  f it  is  evident  that  the  rights 
v/hich  is  founded  upon  it,  muft  be  the  fame;  and  that  if 
thofe  things  only  are  lawful  in  the  fight  of  God,  which 
are  either  virtuous  in  themfelves,  or  proceed  from  vir- 
tuous principles,  you  have  no  right  over  them  at  all. 

You  yourfelves  alfo  confefs  this.  For  when  we  afk 
you,  whether  any  human  being  has  a right  to  fell  you, 
you  immediately  anfwer.  No;  as  if  nature  revolted  at 
the  thought,  and  as  if  it  was  fo  contradidlory  to  your 
own  feelings,  as  not  to  require  confideration.  But  who 
are  you,  that  have  this  exciufive  charter  of  trading  in 
the  liberties  of  mankind?  When  did  nature,  or  rather 
the  Author  of  nature,  make  fo  partial  a diftindlion  be- 
tween you  and  them?  When  did  He  fay,  that  you  fhould 
have  the  privilege  of  felling  others,  and  that  others 
fhould  not  have  the  privilege  of  felling  you? 

Now  fince  you  confefs,  that  no  perfon  whatever  has  a 
right  to  difpofe  of  you  in  this  manner,  you  mufl  con- 
fefs alfo,  that  thofe  things  are  unlawful  to  be  done  to 
you,  which  are  ufually  done  in  confequence  of  the  fale. 
Let  us  fuppofe  then,  that  in  confequence  of  the  com- 
merce you  were  forced  into  a fhip;  that  you  were  con- 
veyed to  another  country;  that  you  were  fold  there; 
that  you  were  confined  to  inccflant  labour;  that  you 
were  pinched  by  continual  hunger  and  thirll ; and  fub- 
jedt  to  be  whipped,  cut,  and  mangled  at  difcretion,  and 
all  this  at  the  hands  of  thofe,  whom  you  had  never  of- 
fended; would  you  not  think  that  you  had  a right  to 
refift  their  treatment?  Would  you  nor  refift  it  with  a fafe 
confcicnce?  And  would  you  not  be  furprized,  if  your 
refiftance  fhould  be  termed  rebellion? — By  the  former 
premifes  you  mufl  anfwer,  Yes. — Such  then  is  the  cafe 
with  the  wretched  Africans,  They  have  a right  to  refift 
your  proceedings.  They  can  refift  them,  and  yet  they 
cannot  juftly  be  confidered  as  rebellious.  For  though 
w^e  fuppofe  them  to  have  been  guilty  of  crimes  to  one 
another;  though  we  fuppofe  them  to  have  been  the  moft 
abandoned  and  execrable  of  men,  yet  are  they  perfedlly 
innocent  with  refpeft  to  you  receivers,.  You  have  no 

right 


14.8  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

right  to  touch  even  the  hair  of  their  heads  without  their 
own  confent.  It  is  not  your  money,  that  can  inveft  you 
with  a right.  Human  liberty  can  neither  be  bought  nor 
fold.  Every  lalh  that  you  give  them  is  unjuft.  It  is  a 
lafli  againft  nature  and  religion,  and  will  furely  ftand  re- 
corded againft  you,  fince  they  are  ail,  with  refpedt  to 
your  impious  felves,  in  a ftate  of  nature ; in  a ftate  of  ori- 
ginal diffociation;  perfectly  free. 


CHAP.  XL 

Having  now  confidered  both  the  commerce  and  Jlavery^ 
it  remains  only  to  colle£t  fuch  arguments  as  are  fcattered 
in  different  parts  of  the  work,  and  to  make  fuch  addi- 
tional remarks,  as  prefent  themfelves  on  the  fubjecl.  * 

And  firft,  let  us  afk  you,  who  have  ftudied  the  law  of 
nature,  and  you,  who  are  learned  in  the  law  of  the  land, 
if  all  property  muft  not  be  inferiour  in  its  nature  to  its 
poffeffor,  or,  in  other  words,  (for  it  is  a cafe,  which 
every  perfon  muft  bring  home  to  his  own  breaft)  if  you 
fuppofe  that  any  human  being  can  have  a property  in 
yourjelvesf  Let  us  alk  you  appraifers,  who  fcientifically 
know  the  value  of  things,  if  any  human  creature  is  equi- 
valent only  to  any  of  the  trinkets  that  you  wear,  or  at 
moft,  to  any  of  the  horfes  that  you  ride : or  in  other 
words,  if  you  have  ever  confidered  the  moft  coftly  things 
that  you  have  valued,  as  equivalent  to  yourjelvesf  Let 
us  afk  you  rationalifts,  if  man,  as  a realonable  being,  is 
not  accountable  for  his  adions,  and  let  us  put  the  fame 
queftion  to  you,  who  have  ftudied  the  divine  writings? 
Let  us  afk  you  parents,  if  ever  you  thought  that  you 
poffeffed  an  authority  as  fuch,  or  if  ever  you  expeded  a 
duty  from  your  fons ; and  let  us  afk  you  fons,  if  ever 
you  felt  an  impulfe  in  your  own  breads  to  obey  your  pa- 
rents. Now,  if  you  fliould  all  anfwer  as  w*e  could  wifh, 
if  you  fhould  all  anfwer  confidently  with  reafon,  nature, 
and  the  revealed  voice  of  God,  w^hat  a dreadful  argument 
will  prefent  itfelf  againft  the  commerce  and  flavery  of  the 
human  fpecies,  whe-n  we  refled,  that  no  man  whatever  . 

can 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  149 

can  be  bought  or  reduced  to  the  fituation  of  a flave, 
hut  he  muji  injlantly  become  a hrute^  he  muji  mftantly  be 
reduced  to  the  va-lue  of  thofe  things^  which  were  made  for 
his  own  ufe  and  convenience ; he  muft  infiantly  ceafe  to  be 
accountable  for  his  actions,  and  his  authority  as  a parent^ 
and  his  duty  as  a fon^  mufi  be  inftanily  no  more,, ' 

Neither  does  it  efcape  our  notice,  when  we  are  fpeak- 
ing  of  the  fatal  wound  which  every  focial  duty  muft  re- 
ceive, how  confiderably  Chriftianity  iuffers  by  the  con- 
du6t  of  you  receivers.  For  by  profecuting  this  impious 
commerce,  you  keep  the  Africans  in  a ftate  of  perpetual 
ferocity  and  barbarifm;  and  by  profecuting  it  in  fuch  a 
manner,  as  muft  reprefent  your  religion,  as  a fyftem  of 
robbery  and  oppreftion,  you  not  only  oppofe  the  propa- 
gation of  the  gofpel,  as  far  as  you  are  able  yourfelves, 
but  throw  the  moft  certain  impediments  in  the  way  of 
others,  who  might  attempt  the  glorious  and  important 
tafk. 

Such  alfo  is  the  effedl,  which  the  fubfequent  flavcry 
in  the  colonies  muft  produce.  For  by  your  inhuman 
treatment  of  the  unfortunate  Africans  there,  you  create 
the  fame  infuperable  impediments  to  a converfion.  For 
how  muft  they  deteft  the  very  name  of  Chrijitans,  w^hen 
you  Chriftians  are  deformed  by  fo  many  and  dreadful 
vices?  How  muft  they  deteft  that  fyftem  of  religion, 
which  appears  to  refift  the  natural  rights  of  men,  and 
to  give  a famftion  to  brutality  and  murder? 

But,  as  we  are  now  mentioning  Chriftianity,  we  muft 
paufe  for  a little  time,  to  make  a few  remarks  on  the 
arguments  which  are  ufually  deduced  from  thence  by  the 
receivers^  in  defence  of  their  fyftem  of  oppreftion.  For 
the  reader  may  readily  luppofe,  that,  if  they  did  not  he- 
ft tate  to  bring  the  Old  Teftament  in  fupport  of  their 
barbarities,  they  would  hardly  let  the  New  efcape 
them. 

St.  Paul,  having  converted  Oncfimus  to  the  Chriftian  ' 
faith,  w'ho  was  a fugitive  Have  of  Philemon^  fent  him 
back  to  his  mafter.  This  circumftance  has  furnifhed  the 
receivers  wdth  a plea,  that  Chriftianity  encourages  flave- 
ry.  But  they  have  not  only  ftrained  the  oaffages  which 


150  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

they  produce  in  fupport  of  their  aflertions,  but  are  ig*" 
norant  of  hiftoricai  fads.  The  benevolent  apoftle,  in 
the  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Philemon,  the  mafter  of 
Oneftmus,  addreffes  him  to  the  following  elFed:  ‘‘  I fend 
him  back  to  you,  but  not  in  his  former  capacity,  * not 
now  as  a fervant,  hut  above  a fervant,  a brother  be- 
loved.  In  this  manner  I befeech  you  to  receive  him,  for 
though  I could  enjoin  you  to  do  it,  yet  I had  rather  it 
‘‘  fhould  be  a matter  of  your  own  will,  than  of  neceJfityP 
It  appears  that  the  fame  Oneftmus,  when  he  was  fent 
back,  was  no  longer  a [lave,  that  he  was  a minifter  of 
the  gofpel,  that  he  was  joined  with  Hychicus  in  an  eccie- 
fiallical  commiflion  to  the  church  of  the  Colojfians,  and 
was  afterwards  bifhop  of  Ephefus,  If  language  there- 
fore has  any  meaning,  and  if  hiflory  has  recorded  a fad 
which  may  be  believed,  there  is  no  cafe  more  oppofite  to 
the  dodrine  of  the  receivers,  than  this  which  they  pro- 
duce in  its  fupport. 

It  is  laid  again,  that  Chridianity,  among  the  many 
important  precepts  w'hich  it  contains,  does  not  furnifli  us 
with  one  for  the  abolition  of  flavery.  But  the  reafon  is 
obvious.  Slavery  at  the  time  of  the  introdudion  of  the 
gofpel  w'as  univerfally  prevalent,  and  if  Chriflianity  had 
abruptly  declared,  that  the  millions  of  flaves  fliould  have 
been  made  free,  who  were  then  in  the  world,  it  would 
have  been  univerfally  rejeded,  as  containin^r  dodrines 
that  were  dangerous,  if  not  deflrudive,  to  fociety.  In 
order  therefore  that  it  might  be  univerfally  received,  it 
never  meddled,  by  any  pofitive  precept,  with  the  civil 
inftirutions  of  the  times:  but  though  it  does  not  exprefs- 
ly  fay,  that  “ you  lliall  neither  buy,  nor  tell,  nor  pof- 
fefs  a flave,’'  it  is  evident  that,  in  its  general  tenour, 
it  fufficiently  militates  againfl  the  cuftom. 

The  firfl  dodrine  which  it  inculcates,  is  that  of  bro- 
therly love.  It  commands  good  will  towards  men.  It 
enjoins  us  to  love  our  neighbours  as  ourfelves,  and  to 
do  unto  all  men,  as  we  would  that  they  Ihould  do  unto 
us.  And  how  can  any  man  fulfil  this  fcheme  of  univerlal 

benevolence, 


^ Epifi.  to  Philemon. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  151 

iPenevolence,  who  reduces  an  unfortunate  perfon  againft 
his  wilU  to  the  moji  inf uppor table  of  all  human  conditi- 
ons; who  confiders  him  as  his  private  property ^ and 
treats  him,  not  as  a brother,  nor  as  one  of  the  fame  pa- 
rentage with  himfelf,  but  as  an  animal  of  the  brute  cre^ 
ationf 

But  the  moft  important  dodrine  is  that,  by  which  we 
are  alfured  that  mankind  are  to  exift  in  a future  ftate, 
and  to  give  an  account  of  thofe  actions,  which  they  have 
feverally  done  in  the  flefti.  This  ftriRes  at  the  very  root 
of  llavery.  For  how  can  any  man  be  juftly  called  to  an 
account  for  his  actions,  whofe  adions  are  not  at  his  own 
difpofalf  This  is  the  cafe  with  the  * proper  have.  His 
liberty  is  abfolutely  bought  and  appropriated ; and  if  the 
purchafe  is  jufl  and  equitable^  he  is  under  the  necejfity  of 
perpetrating  any  crime,  which  the  purchafer  may  order 
him  to  commit,  or,  in  other  words,  of  ceafing  to  be 
accountable  for  his  actions, 

Thefe  dodrines  therefore  are  fufEcient  to  (hew,  that 
ilavery  is  incompatible  with  the  Chriftian  fyftem.  The 
Europeans  confidered  them  as  fuch,  when,  at  the  clofe 
of  the  twelfth  century,  they  relifted  their  hereditary 
prejudices,  and  occafioned  its  abolition.  Hence  one, 
among  many  other  proofs,  that  Chriftianity  was  the  pro- 
dudion  of  infinite  wifdom;  that  though  it  did  not  take 
fuch  exprefs  cognizance  of  the  wicked  national  inftitu- 
tions  of  the  times,  as  fhould  hinder  its  reception,  it  fhould 
yet  contain  fuch  dodrines,  as,  when  it  fliould  be  fully 
eftablifhed,  would  be  fufficient  for  the  abolition  of  them 
all. 

Thus  then  is  the  argument  of  you  receivers  ineffedual, 
and  your  condud  impious.  For,  by  the  profecution  of 

this 

* The  Jfrimn  flave  is  of  this  defeription;  and  we  could  wlfh,  in  all 
our  arguments  on  theprefent  fubjeft,  »o  be  under  flood  as  having  fpoken 
only  of  proper  Jlaves.  The  Have  who  is  condemned  to  the  oar,  to 
the  fortifications,  and  other  publick  works,  is  in  a different  predica- 
ment. His  liberty  is  not  appropriated,  and  therefore  none  of  ihofe 
confequences  can  be  juflly  drawn,  which  have  been  deduced  in  the 
prefent  cafe. 


152  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

this  wicked  flavery  and  commerce,  you  not  only  oppofe 
the  propagation  of  that  gofpel  which  was  ordered  to  be 
preached  unto  every  creature,  and  bring  it  into  con- 
tempt, but  you  oppofe  its  tenets  aifo:  firft,  becaufe  you 
violate  that  law  of  univerfal  benevolence^  which  was  to 
take  away  thofe  hateful  diftindions  of  Jew  and  Gentile, 
Greek  and  Barbarian,  bond  and  free,  which  prevailed 
when  the  gofpel  was  introduced;  and  fecondly,  becaufe, 
as  every  man  is  to  give  an  account  of  his  actions  hereaf- 
ter, it  is  neceflary  that  he  Ihould  be  free. 

Another  argument  yet  remains,  which,  though  nature 
will  abfolutely  turn  pale  at  the  recital,  cannot  poflibly 
be  omitted.  In  thofe  wars,  which  are  made  for  the  fake 
of  procuring  flaves,  it  is  evident  that  the  conteft  muft 
be  generally  obftinate,  and  that  great  numbers  muft  be 
flain  on  both  Tides,  before  the  event  can  be  determined. 
This  we  may  reafonably  apprehend  to  be  the  cafe:  and 
we  have  * fhewn,  that  there  have  not  been  wanting  in- 
ftances,  where  the  conquerors  have  been  fo  incenfed  at 
the  refiftance  they  have  found,  that  their  fpirit  of  ven- 
geance has  entirely  got  the  better  of  their  avarice,  and 
they  have  murdered,  in  cool  blood,  every  individual, 
without  difcrimination,  either  of  age  or  fex.  From  thefc 
and  other  circumftances,  we  thought  we  had  fufficient 
reafon  to  conclude,  that,  where  ten  were  fuppofed  to  be 
taken,  an  hundred,  including  the  vitfors  and  vanquifti- 
ed,  might  be  fuppofed  to  perifli.  Now,  as  the  annual 
exportation  from  Africa  confifts  of  an  hundred  thoufand 
men,  and  as  the  two  orders,  of  thofe  who  arc  privately 
kidnapped  by  individuals,  and  of  thole,  who  are  pub- 
Iickly  feized  by  virtue  of  the  authority  of  their  prince, 
compofe  together,  at  leaft,  nine-tenths  of  the  African 
flaves,  it  follows,  that  about  ten  thoufand  confift  of  con- 
victs and  prifoners  of  war.  The  laft  order  is  the  moft 
numerous.  Let  us  fuppofe  then  that  only  fix  thoufand 
of  this  order  are  annually  fent  into  fervitude,  and  it 
will  immediately  appear  that  no  lefs  than  fivity  thoufand 

people 

See  the  defcription  of  an  African  battle,  p.  72. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  153 

people  annually  perifh  in  thofe  wars,  which  are  made 
only  for  the  purpofe  of  procuring  Haves.  But  that  this 
number,  which  we  believe  to  be  by  no  means  exagge- 
rated, may  be  free  from  all  objedion,  we  will  include 
thofe  in  the  eftimate,  who  die  as  they  are  travelling  to 
the  fhips.  Many  of  thefe  unfortunate  people  have  a 
journey  of  one  thoufand  miles  to  perform  on  foot,  and 
are  driven  like  fheep  through  inhofpitable  woods  and  de- 
ferts,  where  they  frequently  die  in  great  numbers,  from 
fatigue  and  want.  Now  if  to  thofe,  who  thus  perifh  on 
the  African  continent,  by  war  and  travelling,  we  fubjoin 
* thofe,  who  afterwards  perifh  on  the  voyage,  and  in 
the  feafoning  together,  it  will  appear  that,  in  every 
yearly  attempt  to  fupply  the  colonies,  an  hundred  thou- 
fund  mufl  perifh,  even  before  one  ufcful  individual  can 
be  obtained. 

Gracious  God!  how  wicked,  how  beyond  all  exam- 
ple impious,  muft  be  that  fervitude,  which  cannot  be 
carried  on  without  the  continual  murder  of  fo  many  and 
innocent  perfonsl  What  punifhment  is  not  to  be  expect- 
ed for  fuch  monftrous  and  unparalleled  barbarities!  For 
if  the  blood  of  one  man,  unjuflly  fhed,  cries  with  fo 
loud  a voice  for  the  divine  vengeance,  how  fhall  the  cries 
and  groans  of  an  hundred  thoufand  men,  annually  mur- 
dered^  afcend  the  celefliaj  manfions,  and  bring  down 
that  punifhment,  which  fuch  enormities  defervel  But 
do  we  mention  punifhment?  Do  we  allude  to  that  pu- 
nifhment, which  fhall  be  infliCted  on  men  as  individuals, 
in  a future  life?  Do  we  allude  to  that  awful  day,  which 
{hall  furely  come,  when  the  mafter  fhall  behold  his  mur- 
dered negroe  face  to  face?  When  a train  of  mutilated 
Haves  fhall  be  brought  againfl  him?  When  he  fliall  Hand 
confounded  and  abafhed?  Or,  do  wt  allude  to  that  pu- 
nifhment, which  may  be  infliCled  on  them  here,  as  mem- 
bers of  a wicked  communiry  ? For  as  a body  politick, 
if  its  members  are  ever  fo  numerous,  may  be  confidered 
as  an  whole,  acting  of  itfelf,  and  by  itfelf,  in  all  affairs 
U in 

^ Thedoweft  computation  is  40,000,  fee  p.  93. 


154  On  the  Slavery  and  Commerce 

in  which  it  is  concerned,  fo  it  is  accountable,  as  fuch, 
for  its  condud;  and  as  thefe  kinds  ot  polities  have  only 
their  exiftence  here,  fo  it  is  only  in  this  world,  that,  as 
filch,  they  can  be  punifhed. 

“ Now,  whether  we  confider  the  crime,  with  refped 
to  the  individuals  immediately  concerned  in  this  moil 
‘‘  barbarous  and  cruel  trarfick,  or  whether  we  confider 
it  as  * patronized  and  encouraged  by  the  laws  of  the 
land,  it  prefents  to  our  view  an  equal  degree  of  cnor- 
mity.  A crime,  founded  on  a dreadful  pre-eminence 
in  wickednefs, — a crime,  which  being  both  of  indi- 
viduals  and  the  nation,  muff  fometime  draw  down 
upon  us  the  heavieft  judgment  of  Almighty  God,  who 
made  of  one  blood  all  the  fons  of  men,  and  who  gave  to 
all  equally  a natural  right  to  liberty;  and  who,  ruling  \ 
all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  with  equal  providen-  i 
‘‘  tial  juftice,  cannot  fufFer  fuch  deliberate,  fuch  mon- 
“ ftrous  iniquity,  to  pafs  long  unpunifhed.  f 

But  alas!  he  feems  already  to  have  interfered  on  the 
occafion  1 The  \ violent  and  fupernatural  agitations  of 
all  the  elements,  which,  for  a feries  of  years,  have  pre- 
vailed in  thofe  European  fettlements,  where  the  unfortu- 
nate Africans  are  retained  in  a date  of  flavery,  and 
which  have  brought  unfpeakable  calamities  on  the  inha- 
bitants, and  publick  Ioffes  on  the  ffates  to  which  they 
feverally  belong,  are  fo  many  awful  vifitations  of  God  ' 

for 

* The  legiflatiire  has  fquandered  away  more  money  in  the  profe- 
cution  of  the  flave  trade,  within  twenty  years,  than  in  any  other 
trade  whatever,  having  granted  from  the  year  1750,  to  the  year 
1770,  the  fum  of  300,000  pounds.  ; 

I Sermon  preached  before  the  Univerfity  of  Cambridge,  by  the  ^ 
Rev.  Peter  Peckard. 

f The  rtrft  noted  earthquake  at  Jamaica,  happened  June  the  7th  J 
1692,  when  Port  Royal  was  totally  funk.  This  was  fucceeded  by 
one  in  the  year  ^697,  and  by  another  in  the  year  1722,  from  which 
time  to  the  prefenr,  thefe  regions  of  the  globe  feem  to  have  been 
feverely  vifited,  but  particularly  during  the  laft  fix  or  feven  years. 

See  a general  account  of  the  calamities,  occafioned  by  the  late  tre- 
mendous hurricanes  and  earthquakes  in  the  Wcft-Indian  iflands,  by 
Mr.  Fowler. 


OF  THE  Human  Species.  155 

for  this  inhuman  violation  of  his  laws.  And  it  is  not 
perhaps  unworthy  of  remark,  that  as  the  fubjects  of 
Great-Britain  have  two  thirds  of  this  impious  commerce 
in  their  own  hands,  fo  they  have  fuffered  in  the  fame 
proportion,  or  * more  feverely  than  the  reft. 

How  far  thefe  misfortunes  may  appear  to  be  a£ls  of 
providence,  and  to  create  an  alarm  to  thofe  who  have  been 
accuftomed  to  refer  every  effedt  to  its  apparent  caufe; 
who  have  been  habituated  to  flop  there,  and  to  overlook 
the  finger  of  God,  becaufe  it  is  llightly  covered  under 
the  veil  of  fecondary  laws,  we  will  not  pretend  to  deter- 
mine? but  this  we  will  affert  with  confidence,  that  the 
Europeans  have  richly  deferved  them  all;  that  the  tear  of 
fympathy,  which  can  hardly  be  reftrained  on  other  me- 
lancholy occafions,  feems  to  forget  to  flow  at  the  relation 
of  thefe;  and  that  we  can  never,  with  any  fhadow  of 
juftice,  wifh  profperity  to  the  undertakings  of  thofe, 
whofe  fuccefs  muft  be  at  the  expence  of  the  happinefs  of 
millions  of  their  fellow-creatures. 

But  this  is  fufficient.  For  if  liberty  is  only  an  ad- 
ventitious right;  if  men  are  by  no  means  fuperiour  to 
brutes ; if  every  focial  duty  is  a curfe ; if  cruelty  is  high- 
ly to  be  efleemed ; if  murder  is  flricHy  honourable,  and 
Chriflianity  is  a lye;  then  it  is  evident,  that  the  African 
flavery  may  be  purmed,  without  either  the  remorfe  of 
confcience,  or  the  imputation  of  a crime.  But  if  the 
contrary  of  this  is  true,  which  reafon  muft  immediately 
evince,  it  is  evident  that  no  cuftom  eftablifhed  among 
men  was  ever  more  impious;  fince  it  is  contrary  to  rea~ 
fon^  jujlice,  nature^  the  principles  of  law  and  government^ 
the  whole  dodrine^  in  jhort^  of  natural  religion^  and  the 
revealed  voice  oj  God, 

* The  many  fhips  of  war  belonging  to  the  BritilK  navy,  which 
were  loft  with  all  their  crews  in  thefe  dreadful  hurricanes,  will  fuf- 
ficiently  prove  the  fafl. 


F 


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Essay  on  the  Treatment  and  Converfion  of  Afri- 
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Rev.  J.  Ramfay,  Vicar  of  Teflon  in  Kent,  who  refided 
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Poems  on  Various  Subjeds,  religious  and  moral.  By 
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Tranflated  fiom  the  French,  To  which  is  annexed. 
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